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Trump’s Greenland threats do ‘real damage’ to alliances and benefit Putin, warns senior US senator - Europe live

US Democratic senator Shaheen also has this theory on why Trump turned his attention to Greenland: “A part of me is not sure how much of this is a distraction, to try and take the attention of the American people away from some very real issues that we have in the United States right now. The cost of living is a real concern for Americans [and] Donald Trump got elected saying he was going to address the cost of living. He was going to address domestic issues, he was going to end forever wars, and he’s not done any of that, so people are frustrated with him. Also, as you may have followed the Epstein files, the paedophile in the US, it’s been quite an issue, particularly in the Republican Party and among Donald Trump’s followers. And you know, Trump is a master of having a problem over here and saying, ‘Oh no, don’t pay attention to this problem. Look over here at this shiny object that I want people to focus on’. And so I don’t know, who knows what [he thinks], it’s hard to know what Donald Trump’s real motivation is, but I do think there is some of that going on in terms of the focus on Greenland.”

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South Korea sentences ex-president to five years in first martial law verdict

A South Korean court has sentenced former president Yoon Suk Yeol to five years in prison for mobilising presidential security forces to block his own arrest and abusing his powers. It is the first judicial ruling linked to the events surrounding his failed martial law declaration in December 2024. The ruling is separate from Yoon’s main insurrection trial, where prosecutors earlier this week sought the death penalty and a verdict is due next month. Seoul central district court found Yoon guilty of special obstruction of official duties, abuse of power and falsifying documents, saying he had “disregarded the constitution” and shown no remorse. His legal team has said he will appeal against the ruling. The presiding judge, Baek Dae-hyun, said Yoon “deserves condemnation” for his actions. Yoon stunned South Korea late on 3 December 2024 when he declared martial law, dispatching police and armed troops to the national assembly. Lawmakers rushed to override the decree, with some climbing over fences to reach the chamber before voting to lift the order. The emergency rule lasted six hours before Yoon backed down. In the separate insurrection case, prosecutors allege he attempted to use military force to paralyse the legislature, arrest political opponents and seize control of the national election commission. Weeks after martial law collapsed, investigators from the country’s corruption investigation office attempted to arrest Yoon on insurrection-related charges. He refused to comply, barricading himself inside his residence and deploying hundreds of presidential security service officers to block a court-issued arrest warrant by sealing the compound with vehicle barricades and human chains. “The defendant abused his tremendous influence as president to obstruct lawful warrant execution, effectively privatising security officials sworn to serve the Republic of Korea into his personal troops,” Baek said in a televised ruling. “His crimes are extremely serious in nature.” The court also criticised Yoon’s conduct in the run-up to the martial law declaration. He selectively summoned only loyal cabinet members to a late-night meeting, excluding nine others in order to rubber-stamp the decision without meaningful deliberation. He later signed backdated documents to create the false appearance of proper cabinet approval. “Emergency martial law should only be declared in the most exceptional circumstances when no other means exist to resolve a national crisis,” Baek said. “The constitution specifically requires state council deliberation precisely to prevent presidential abuse of power and arbitrary action.” Friday’s conviction marks the opening act in a reckoning without parallel in South Korea’s democratic history. Yoon faces seven additional criminal trials, including the insurrection case, where prosecutors are seeking either the death penalty or life imprisonment. Other cases, some brought by separate special prosecutors, include allegations that he ordered drone incursions into North Korean airspace to provoke a response that could be used as a pretext for martial law. The insurrection verdict is scheduled for 20 February. That case centres on allegations that Yoon, former defence minister Kim Yong-hyun and former police commissioner Cho Ji-ho orchestrated the deployment of armed troops to the national assembly. Yoon’s wife, Kim Keon Hee, faces a separate verdict on 28 January on stock manipulation and bribery charges, carrying a prosecutorial demand of 15 years’ imprisonment and a 2bn won (£1m) fine. The former prime minister Han Duck-soo is due to receive a verdict on 21 January on charges of aiding insurrection.

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Canada PM hails strategic partnership with China to adapt to ‘new global realities’

Canada’s prime minister, Mark Carney, has hailed a “new strategic partnership” with China as he held talks in Beijing with President Xi Jinping, the first visit by a Canadian leader in eight years. Addressing Xi in the Great Hall of the People, Carney said: “Together we can build on the best of what this relationship has been in the past to create a new one adapted to new global realities.” Carney announced on Friday that Canada and China had reached a preliminary trade deal aimed at reducing tariffs, including a commitment to import 49,000 electric vehicles from China at preferential tariff rates. Engagement and cooperation would form “the foundation of our new strategic partnership”, Carney said, adding that agriculture, energy, finance offered opportunities for the most immediate progress. Canada and China had been locked in years of diplomatic spats after the retaliatory arrests of each other’s citizens and a series of tit-for-tat trade disputes. But Carney has sought to reset ties as part of a broader effort to reduce Canada’s reliance on the US, its principal economic partner, after President Donald Trump sharply raised tariffs on Canadian goods. Carney’s state visit, the result of careful diplomatic calculations, underscores the strain of Canada’s trade war with the US and the urgent need to expand exports to offset mounting economic pressure from its neighbour and largest trading partner. During the visit, the two sides signed an agreement to cooperate on clean energy and fossil fuels, reopening ministerial-level talks that had reportedly been frozen for nearly a decade. The agreement opens the door to Canada importing more clean-energy technology from China and raises the prospect of increased Canadian fossil fuel exports to the Chinese market, part of Carney’s push to double non-US exports. In 2024, only 2% of Canada’s crude oil was exported to China. Additional agreements were signed covering forestry, culture and tourism. Welcoming Carney, Xi said China-Canada relations had reached a turning point at their previous meeting on the sidelines of the Apec summit in October 2025. “It can be said that our meeting last year opened a new chapter in turning China-Canada relations toward improvement,” Xi told the Canadian prime minister. He added that “the healthy and stable development of China-Canada relations serves the common interests of our two countries”, and that he was “glad” to see efforts in recent months to restore cooperation. Relations between Beijing and Ottawa withered in 2018 after Canada’s arrest of Meng Wanzhou, Huawei’s chief financial officer, on a US warrant, prompting China’s retaliatory detention of two Canadians on espionage charges. In the years that followed, the two countries imposed tariffs on each other’s exports, while China was also accused of interfering in Canada’s elections. Carney has sought a strategic pivot, and Beijing has signalled its willingness to get relations back on “the right track”. The Canadian prime minister, who on Thursday met China’s premier, Li Qiang, is also scheduled to hold talks with business leaders to discuss trade. Canada, traditionally a staunch US ally, has been hit particularly hard by Trump’s steep tariffs on steel, aluminium, vehicles and lumber. In October, Carney said Canada should double its non-US exports by 2035 to reduce reliance on the US. However, the US remains far and away its largest market, buying about 75% of Canadian goods in 2024, according to government statistics. While Ottawa has stressed that China is Canada’s second-largest market, it lags far behind, buying less than 4% of Canadian exports in 2024. Officials from Canada and China have been in talks to lower tariffs and boost bilateral trade, though an agreement has yet to be reached. Agence France-Presse contributed to this report

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Khamenei regime will not be able to keep control of Iran, says dissenting film-maker

The Khamenei regime will not be able to maintain control over Iranian society after the violent suppression of the latest wave of protests, one of the country’s leading film-makers has predicted. “It is impossible for this government to sustain itself in this situation,” the director Jafar Panahi told the Guardian. “They know it too. They know that it will be impossible to rule over people. Perhaps their only goal right now is to bring the country to the verge of complete collapse and try to destroy it.” Protests caused by an ailing economy have swept through Iran since late December and were met with deadly crackdowns by the security forces over the weekend, with reports of more than 2,500 people killed. A internet blackout imposed last Friday, which blocked 95-99% of the country’s communication network, was a “sign that there would be a very big massacre on the way”, Panahi said. “But we never predicted that the crackdown would have such dimensions and numbers.” Panahi, 65, spoke to the Guardian from the US, where he is promoting his latest film, It Was Just an Accident. The film won the Palme d’Or at the Cannes film festival last year and is a leading contender for the 2026 Oscars in the international feature category. Part revenge thriller, part black comedy, the French entry for the Academy award follows a group of Iranian former political prisoners who try to decide on whether to exact revenge on a man they believe to have tortured them in prison. “What I have been depicting in this film is when the cycle of violence continues, then it becomes very difficult to stop it,” Panahi said. “Unfortunately, because of the savagery that is being carried out by the state, the fear is that this cycle of violence will continue.” In December the director was handed a one-year prison sentence in absentia on charges of creating propaganda against the political system, but he has stated his intention to return to the country. He has been jailed twice, for protesting against the detention of two fellow film-makers who had been critical of the authorities in 2022, and for supporting anti-government protests in 2010. Panahi said while the collapse of the government led by the clerical leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was inevitable after the latest bloody suppressions, its timing was impossible to predict. “The regime will collapse, 100%,” Panahi said. “It is what has happened to dictatorship governments throughout history. When it will collapse, no one knows. We want it to be as soon as possible, in the next few minutes, but there are many factors that have to come together for it to happen.” He warned western governments about engaging with the clerical regime as rational actors. “In other dictatorships around the world, you will see that there will be at least a few people who will act based on rationality and who will not let it get to this point,” he said, speaking via his interpreter Sheida Dayani. “But unfortunately in this system there is no rationality. All they can think of is crackdown and how they can stay in power even just one more day. The last thing they’re thinking about is the people.” Some anti-regime protests, in Iran and among the Iranian diaspora in Europe and the US, have called for the return of Reza Pahlavi, the exiled son of Iran’s last shah. The Washington-based Pahlavi, whose late father ruled Iran as an autocratic monarch from 1941 to 1979, has called for people to take to the streets. Panahi recognised that calls for the son of the shah’s return were “the voice that is coming out [of the protests] indeed”. However, he added: “As Reza Pahlavi as said himself, after the transition there must be a referendum in Iran, and that is when people will decide what type of government they want and whom they want to rule over them. During this period of transition, we should all be united.” Asked whether Pahlavi could be trusted to oversee a post-regime transition, he said this would be for the people of Iran to conclude. “Whether we agree with Pahlavi or not, we know that the overwhelming majority of the population of Iran want the current regime to go.”

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Julio Iglesias denies sexual abuse claims of two former female employees

The Spanish singer Julio Iglesias has broken his silence over allegations that he sexually abused two women who worked in his Caribbean mansions, saying he has never “abused, coerced or disrespected any woman”. The 82-year-old entertainer, whose career spans six decades, had been accused by two female former employees who allege they had been sexually assaulted and subjected “to inappropriate touching, insults and humiliation … in an atmosphere of control and constant harassment”. The alleged assaults, which are said to have taken place in 2021, came to light on Tuesday after a three-year joint investigation by the Spanish news site elDiario.es and the Spanish-language TV network Univision Noticias. “With great regret, I am responding to the allegations from two people who used to work in my house,” Iglesias wrote in a post on Instagram early on Friday morning. “I have never abused, coerced or disrespected any woman. These accusations are absolutely false and pain me deeply.” The singer said he would “defend my dignity against this serious affront” and thanked “so very many dear people for their messages of love and support”. The two women – a domestic worker and a physical therapist known by the pseudonyms Rebeca and Laura – have filed a complaint against Iglesias at Spain’s highest criminal court, the Audiencia Nacional, accusing him of sexual assault and human trafficking. The allegations are the subject of a preliminary investigation by prosecutors at the court. Rebeca has alleged that Iglesias, who was 77 at the time, would often call her to his room at the end of the working day. She claimed he would then penetrate her anally and vaginally with his fingers without her consent. “He used me almost every night,” she said. “I felt like an object, like a slave.” Laura alleged to elDiario.es and Univision Noticias that Iglesias had kissed her on the mouth and touched her breasts without her permission and against her will. “We were at the beach and he came up to me and touched my nipples,” she said, adding that a similar incident took place by the pool at the singer’s villa in Punta Cana, a luxury resort in the Dominican Republic. On Wednesday, elDiario.es published testimony from Rebeca and another former worker, Carolina, in which they alleged being required to have medical tests to check for sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV and chlamydia. The women said they were then asked to send the results to one of Iglesias’s housekeepers. ElDiario.es also obtained medical documents apparently showing that five women employed at Iglesias’s villa in the Dominican Republic in 2021 underwent gynaecological examinations. In an interview with elDiario.es, Laura said she and Rebeca had decided to file a complaint against Iglesias to encourage other women to come forward. “I think by taking legal action we’re sending a message to all the victims of this person – Julio Iglesias – so that they can speak out and believe in justice,” she said. “It’s so they can understand that this wasn’t something that just happened to them.”

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Friday briefing: How the Robert Jenrick saga exposes a hollowed out Tory party

Good morning. Kemi Badenoch said she had seen “clear, irrefutable evidence”, Keir Starmer said she should have acted months ago, and Nigel Farage insisted – “hand on heart, honestly, look you in the eye” – that Reform had nothing to do with it. Nevertheless, by Thursday afternoon Robert Jenrick was on stage with Farage as the highest-profile Tory defection to Reform UK so far. Earlier, Jenrick – the former Conservative leadership candidate and shadow justice secretary – had been sacked from the shadow cabinet, stripped of the whip and suspended by Badenoch, and accused of plotting to defect “in a way designed to be as damaging as possible” to his colleagues and the wider party. He, in turn, described the Conservatives as “rotten” and “failed”. For today’s newsletter I spoke to Kiran Stacey, the Guardian’s policy editor, about how the move blindsided political journalists – and what it tells us about Farage’s strategy for turning Reform into a credible election-winning machine, and Badenoch’s strategy for surviving as Conservative leader. First, the headlines. Five big stories Iran | Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey and Oman urged Donald Trump not to launch airstrikes against Iran in a last-minute lobbying campaign prompted by fears that an attack by Washington would lead to a major and intractable conflict across the Middle East. Greenland | The Danish prime minister said Greenland’s defence was a “common concern” for the whole of Nato, as a result of Donald Trump’s threats to take the Arctic island by force. Venezuela | The Venezuelan opposition leader, María Corina Machado, said she “presented” her Nobel peace prize medal to Donald Trump after meeting him in the White House. Space | Four astronauts from the International Space Station have returned to Earth a month earlier than planned after one developed a serious medical condition onboard the orbiting outpost. UK news | Campaigners have accused BP of having an insidious influence over the teaching of science, technology, engineering and maths (Stem) in the UK through its relationship with the Science Museum. In depth: ‘We haven’t had a marmalade-dropper like this for a long time’ If Reform UK’s standing in the polls continues, a steady stream of low-level Tory defections has seemed inevitable – and recent events suggest it is already under way, with the former Tory chancellor Nadhim Zahawi defecting on Monday. But the defection of Robert Jenrick is something else: a high-profile scalp, and the kind of moment designed to make Reform look less like a protest movement and more like a government-in-waiting. *** The lobby has been blindsided Jenrick has been MP for Newark since 2014, having launched a bid to be leader of the party in 2024, coming second to Badenoch. What most struck Kiran – and a lot of other political journalists – was how suddenly this news landed. “It’s very rare that you get completely blindsided,” Kiran tells me. “It used to be much more the case during the Brexit years and then towards the end of the Conservative time in government that you would get hit by a surprise.” Keir Starmer promised to “bring back politics as normal”, Kiran says, and while we haven’t quite got to normal, we also haven’t had many genuine Westminster “bombshells” of the old kind lately. That’s why it felt so startling, he says, to get news of a video Badenoch posted on social media, announcing Jenrick’s dismissal. The news broke so abruptly that it blew up a recording session for the Politics Weekly podcast that Kiran was set to do. “Just as we hit record I saw the message. We haven’t had a marmalade-dropper like this for a long time.” *** How did the day unfold? There had been speculation that Jenrick was at least flirting with Reform UK. But within the Conservative party, it was still business as usual. A few days ago Jenrick had spoken at length with Badenoch about party strategy. The previous week, he had attended a shadow cabinet awayday, taking copious notes. There was no public sign a rupture was imminent. That changed when senior figures in Badenoch’s office were sent what they were told was Jenrick’s entire draft resignation speech, along with an accompanying media plan. According to party sources, the document urged other Conservatives to defect alongside him, accused the party of having “lost its way”, and singled out senior shadow cabinet colleagues for criticism including Priti Patel and Mel Stride. For Badenoch’s team, that was the end. Shortly after 11am on Thursday, Badenoch released a video statement announcing that Jenrick had been dismissed from the shadow cabinet, stripped of the whip and suspended from the party. The message was also emailed directly to party members, framing the move as an effort to end years of internal psychodrama. The timing was deliberate. Badenoch’s statement landed just as Farage was facing journalists at a previously scheduled press conference in Scotland, forcing the Reform leader to respond in real time. Farage insisted there was no deal in place and accused Badenoch of panicking, saying she had “added up two and two and made five”. But by mid-afternoon what had begun as a pre-emptive strike by Badenoch ended as a chaotic, public crossing of the floor, with Farage presenting the former Tory – a man he once described as “a fraud” – to the press as a member of Reform. *** What did Jenrick say about the Tories? When Jenrick eventually appeared at the press conference – delayed after getting lost in the corridors of Millbank Tower and stuck one floor below the room where journalists were waiting – he did not mince his words about his former party. The Conservatives in Westminster, he said, “aren’t sorry, they don’t get it, they haven’t changed, they won’t change, they can’t change”. “In opposition, it is easy to paper over these cracks,” he went on, “but the divisions and delusions are still there. I can’t in good conscience stick with a party that has failed so badly. “What’s the truth?” asked a man who had served as a minister under Theresa May, Boris Johnson, Liz Truss and Rishi Sunak. “Both Labour and the Conservatives broke Britain. Both parties are committed to a set of ideas that have failed Britain.” Jenrick insisted his move was not about personal advancement, denying any leadership ambitions in his new party. “No one joins Reform unless they believe Nigel Farage is the best person to lead this country,” he said. “That’s why I’ve put aside my personal ambition.” *** Where does this leave Badenoch? Initially, with the abrupt sacking, Kiran suggests it looked like Badenoch might have done well. “She looked pretty decisive,” Kiran tells me. “She looked like she was taking control of her party. She looked like she was kind of daring anybody else who is going to challenge her to come out with it right now. “This is one of those one of the few moments I think in the last few months really where Kemi Badenoch has done anything to tackle Reform head on, to try and get ahead of them.” That good feeling may not have lasted the day in the Badenoch camp, which must now be braced for potentially more defections. Kiran profiled some of the likely candidates – Jacob Rees-Mogg, Brandon Lewis, Suella Braverman, Katie Lam – although one potential Reform target, Nick Timothy, has stepped straight into Jenrick’s old shadow cabinet job, which would seem to rule him out of the equation for now. Badenoch subsequently denied this was “a very bad day” for her. She said defections to Reform were evidence that “a lot of people have gone into politics for the wrong reasons”. “People who go into politics because they think it’s a gravy train, or because they think it’s a way to get on TV, are finding out that the Conservative party is not the party for them,” she said. “And they’re going to the party that is for people like that. Robert Jenrick is not my problem any more. He’s Nigel Farage’s problem now.” *** Why does Farage want so many ex-Tories? Labour’s line is simple to see: Starmer’s critique is that Badenoch tolerated Jenrick’s “toxic” politics for months – Jenrick was heavily criticised in October for complaining about visiting an area of Birmingham where he “didn’t see another white face” and said it was not the kind of country he wanted to live in – and that Farage is welcoming a “flood” of failed Tories into his ranks. The Reform leader doesn’t see that as a problem though. “I don’t think Farage needs to prove to Reform voters that they are the change party, or that he’s different,” Kiran tells me. “I think he’s already done that.” The bigger target for him is the set of voters Reform needs to win an election. Kiran characterises them as “voters who might agree with Reform on a lot of things – particularly immigration – but worry that they’re not to be trusted, that they can’t do what they say, and they’ll mess up the economy.” For that group, Kiran argues, established former ministers are a feature, not a bug: they make Reform look less like a pressure group who inherited the Brexit party and Ukip members who David Cameron once famously described as “fruitcakes, loonies and closet racists mostly”, and more like a serious operation capable of governing. He may have drawn a line though. Farage said that after the 7 May local elections there would be no more Tory defections, and Reform would reject more seeking to join. He also promised that, on that date, the Conservative party would cease to become a national party. *** What now for Jenrick? It wasn’t a surprise that Jenrick wasn’t loyal to his party leader – he’d already once resigned as immigration minister, flouncing out of Sunak’s government to make a point that he didn’t think the doomed and costly Rwanda scheme went far enough. He will now hope for a nice job on the Reform front benches. Farage said over the course of the next few weeks his party would begin to allocate jobs and responsibilities to key people. Jenrick is understood to have discussed the party’s economic policies with Farage, but any appointment as its economic spokesperson could cause tensions with the party’s deputy leader, Richard Tice, and Zia Yusuf, the head of policy, who are also potential contenders. In the end, Thursday’s events showed just how unsettled the politics of the right has become. Badenoch moved to protect her party, Farage took a prize he hadn’t quite planned for, and Jenrick leapt in a way that made his ambition impossible to ignore – however much he protested. What happens next will matter less for one man’s career than for whether Reform can turn defections into credibility – and whether the Conservatives can stop the slow hollowing-out that made this day possible in the first place. What else we’ve been reading Today’s mood of national crisis echoes the 1980s, Martin Kettle writes in his final column. But those moods did not last then, and will not last now. Better times will come. We could all do with remembering that. Aamna I was a ZX Spectrum kid, but Keith Stuart’s review of the new Commodore 64 Ultimate is tempting me to relive the nostalgia of going round a mate’s house to play Uridium and Spy vs Spy. Martin I’m loving the Guardian’s new series The Pub That Changed Me. Tim Jonze writes here on the (just about) functioning toilets at the Park Tavern. Aamna Green Day bassist Mike Dirnt has picked his 13 favourite records for the Quietus, and inadvertently explained how time works in middle age by describing a 10-year-old album as “new”. Martin My colleagues in Australia have put together this informative visual guide illustrating the speed, scale and destruction of Victoria’s bushfires this year. Martin Sport Tennis | Emma Raducanu ended her preparations for the Australian Open with a miserable 6-2, 6-4 defeat by Taylah Preston, a 20-year-old Australian wildcard, in the quarter-finals of the Hobart international. Rugby union | Scott Robertson has stepped down as New Zealand coach after an internal review of the All Blacks’ performance. Piracy | The number of illegal streams of sports events in Britain has more than doubled to 3.6 billion in the past three years according to a new report, which provides a stark illustration of the challenge facing broadcasters. Something for the weekend Our critics’ roundup of the best things to watch, read, play and listen to right now TV Hijack season two | ★★★★☆ Idris Elba is back as Sam Nelson, the business negotiator who saved a hijacked plane in 2023’s Hijack. That seven-hour thriller saw the non-policeman-or-pilot Sam use his extreme negotiating skills to foil a crime syndicate plotting a short-selling scheme, securing the landing of Kingdom Flight 29 despite boring family scenes. Now, Sam Nelson is on an underground train in the Berlin metro, heading to a meeting with a German government official, and “shenanigans” ensue. Lucy Mangan Music Robbie Williams: Britpop | ★★★★☆ Robbie Williams’ new album initially revisits his ex-boyband sound, now with confidence, featuring Tony Iommi on “Rocket”, while the swaggering “Spies” echoes 90s hedonism. But just as you think you’ve got the general idea of the album, it unravels, and shifts to incorporate synth-pop (“Morrissey”), 60s/70s bubblegum pop (“It’s OK Until the Drugs Stop Working”), and the beautiful electronic ballad “Human” featuring Chris Martin. Despite the conceptual disconnect from the Britpop theme, the album remains engaging. Alexis Petridis Film 28 Years Later: The Bone Temple | ★★★★☆ It’s very rare for a fourquel to be the best film in a franchise, but that’s how things stand with the chequered 28 Days Later series. In this one, which follows immediately on from the previous episode, 28 Years Later, Ralph Fiennes and Jack O’Connell bring pure death-metal craziness. There is real energy and drama in this latest iteration of the post-apocalyptic zombie horror-thriller saga, created by director Danny Boyle and screenwriter Alex Garland back in 2003, with Nia DaCosta taking over directing duties for this film. Fiennes’s dance to Iron Maiden’s The Number of the Beast is basically one of the most extraordinary moments of his career. Peter Bradshaw Theatre The Storm Whale | ★★★☆ The Storm Whale, an adaptation of Benji Davies’s 2013 picture book and its sequel, depicts Noi and his fishing-father’s cozy, seaside home, opening with a romantic tribute to the ocean setting. Despite the idyllic designs, the story focuses on Noi’s loneliness while his father is away. Noi befriends a washed-up whale before realising he must free it. Director Matt Aston’s adaptation, aimed at ages four to eight, sensitively explores how solitude can be overcome, expanding the backstory to include lessons from Noi’s deceased mother. While the script is touching, its earnest messages and solemn dialogue occasionally become repetitive. Chris Wiegand The front pages “Sacked Jenrick defects to Reform with fiery attack on ‘failed’ Tories” is the Guardian splash. Elsewhere, it’s all Robert Jenrick. “Jenrick: Tories broke Britain” is top story at the Telegraph, the Mirror has “Farage’s party of Tory failures” and i paper runs “Day of poison and betrayal as UK’s right-wing feud deepens”. “Jenrick joins Reform after Badenoch gives him sack for plotting to defect” is the FT lead, the Mail has “Stop fighting each other and end the Labour nightmare” and the Sun splashes with “TraiTories”. The Times says “Jenrick defects to Reform after sacking by Badenoch”. Today in Focus Is ICE out of control? Its agents outnumber police on the streets of Minneapolis, are detaining US citizens and clashing violently with protesters. Caitlin Dickerson and Maanvi Singh report. Cartoon of the day | Ben Jennings The Upside A bit of good news to remind you that the world’s not all bad Laura Hall spent a year swimming in the Nordic countries. As a journalist covering Scandinavia, the travel side was easy; all she had to do was pack her kit wherever she went on assignment. As the year went on, her swimming confidence grew. She met dippers dressed as mermaids, whirlpool swimmers, lighthouse swimmers and a lot of naked swimmers. She met people setting themselves big swimming challenges, and those who make a daily practice of submerging themselves in the water for their health and for fun. After a year of swimming in some of the world’s coldest seas, Hall learned a lot about her ability to do hard things. She learned that doing things that make you feel alive, with other people who feel the same, is intoxicating. Sign up here for a weekly roundup of The Upside, sent to you every Sunday Bored at work? And finally, the Guardian’s puzzles are here to keep you entertained throughout the day. Until tomorrow. Quick crossword Cryptic crossword Wordiply

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BTS named their new album Arirang. What is so striking about their choice?

BTS announced their long-awaited comeback and world tour this week, with their first full-length album in nearly four years set for release on 20 March. On Friday, the K-pop group revealed its title – Arirang – a choice that carries profound emotional weight for Koreans. So what does it mean, what is its significance for the Koreas, and why did BTS choose it? What is Arirang? Arirang is the title of the Korean peninsula’s most beloved folk song, an unofficial and sentimental national anthem that has resonated across generations. Its origins are believed to stretch back centuries. There is no single agreed-upon definition for what Arirang specifically means. Some scholars suggest “ari” derives from an old Korean word meaning “beautiful” or “aching”, paired with “rang” meaning “beloved”, though this remains contested folk etymology. The imagery of crossing the Arirang ridge or mountain pass alludes to moving from despair to hope, or a journey from hardship towards something better. The song exists in more than 60 versions with more than 3,600 recorded lyrical variations, with the most famous version using the refrain “Arirang, arirang, arariyo”, where “arariyo” likely functions more as an emotional refrain than a literal word. The melody is simple and flexible, easy to learn and easy to adapt. Anyone can sing Arirang, and anyone can add verses to reflect their own experiences. Across generations, Koreans have poured their joys, sorrows, longings and resilience into its lines. Arirang has been sung in rice paddies and at protests, at family gatherings and national ceremonies. Why does Arirang matter to Koreans? Arirang became a symbol of resistance during Japan’s colonial rule of Korea from 1910 to 1945, particularly after the 1926 silent film of the same name. The film told the story of a Korean man driven mad after being tortured by Japanese authorities. When its theme song played, audiences reportedly wept. The colonial government later banned the song. Yet Arirang’s significance extends far beyond resistance or politics. It’s one of the few cultural elements that has historically transcended the division of the Korean peninsula, even as political relations have deteriorated. Both North and South Korea have registered it with Unesco as intangible cultural heritage. When athletes from the two Koreas marched together at the 2000 Sydney Olympics and 2018 Pyeongchang Olympics, Arirang played instead of either national anthem. The song has become a kind of cultural ambassador for Korea, and what it means to be Korean. Why is this significant for BTS? At a time when many mainstream K-pop groups adopt international images and aesthetics to appeal to global audiences, BTS’s choice to name their new album Arirang is already signalling a clear affirmation of their identity. The group has consistently embraced their Korean roots, from incorporating traditional attire known as hanbok in music videos and addressing Korean social issues in lyrics to previously performing an Arirang medley on stage. By choosing this title, BTS frames its comeback not as reinvention but as return. Their label, BigHit Music, says the album captures “the longing and deep love” at the heart of BTS’s story, with Arirang serving as a symbolic expression of those emotions. For millions of fans worldwide encountering or rediscovering the charm of Arirang through BTS, the album is set to offer an entry point into the cultural foundation that has shaped the world’s biggest pop group.

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Death of Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s son prompts calls for overhaul of Nigeria’s healthcare sector

Nigerians have called for urgent reforms to the healthcare sector after the death of Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s 21-month-old son prompted an outpouring of grief and accounts of negligence and inadequate care. In a leaked WhatsApp message, the bestselling author said she had been told by a doctor that the resident anaesthesiologist at the Lagos hospital treating her son Nkanu Nnamdi had administered an overdose of the sedative propofol. Adichie and her husband, Dr Ivara Esege, have begun legal action against the hospital, accusing it of medical negligence. For decades, the state of Nigeria’s public health sector has made national headlines with accounts of underpaid doctors carrying out surgeries by candlelight in the absence of power supply, patients paying for gloves and other missing basics, dilapidated facilities and nonexistent research departments. Those who can afford to seek care abroad typically do so. There is also a dearth of emergency response services. When the former world heavyweight boxing champion Anthony Joshua survived a car accident in Nigeria in December, he was helped at the scene by bystanders, with no ambulance in sight. Adichie’s sister-in-law Dr Anthea Esege Nwandu, a physician with decades of experience, has called for change. She told Agence France-Presse: “This is a wake-up call, for we, the public, to demand accountability and transparency and consequences of negligence in our healthcare system.” An exodus of medical personnel has exacerbated the situation, resulting in a doctor-to-patient ratio at the last count of 1:9,801. According to the health ministry, an estimated 16,000 doctors have left Nigeria in the last seven years. ‘The will of God’ As Nigerians at home and abroad mourned Adichie’s son this week and the Lagos state government ordered an inquiry, stories flooded social media about a crisis of errors by medical personnel. In Kano state, authorities said they were investigating the case of a woman who died four months after doctors left a pair of scissors in her stomach during surgery. The woman repeatedly visited the hospital complaining of abdominal pain, but was only prescribed painkillers. Scans revealed the scissors just two days before she died. For Ijoma Ugboma, who lost his wife in 2021, the tragedy felt painfully familiar. Peju Ugboma, a 41-year-old chef, had gone into hospital for fibroid surgery and died due to complications exacerbated by staff putting “the wrong setting of the ventilator [on] for 12 hours”, her husband said. “Surgery on Friday, ICU on Saturday, dead on Sunday. I asked for the death certificate … but at that point I knew that I wasn’t going to let this thing go like that,” he told the Guardian. Almost two years after Peju’s death, after a battle Ugboma said had tested him “mentally, emotionally and financially”, three of the four doctors in the operating theatre were indicted for professional misconduct. The law firm of Olisa Agbakoba, a medical negligence lawyer with two decades’ experience, was one of two that represented the Ugboma family in court. He said in Nigeria there was no rigorous regulatory structure in place in the health sector. “There is no requirement for routine submission of reports, no systematic inspections, and no effective enforcement of professional standards,” he said. Agbakoba said his brother had undergone surgery by a physician who was not suitably qualified, resulting in sepsis that required a month-long treatment. “That was absolute incompetence,” he said. Despite the abundance of medical malpractice claims, formal complaints and lawsuits remain remarkably low, partly because negligence is hard to prove. But many say there is also a cultural and spiritual dimension involved. “People say it’s the will of God,” said Agbakoba. “They just go home and don’t talk about it … It’s underreported because many people don’t really do anything about it.” Finding justice Even when issues are escalated legally, medical personnel are reluctant to give professional opinions in court. Two of the three expert witnesses that testified for the Ugbomas live outside Nigeria. “People told us they’d read through the case notes, they’d seen all the fault lines … but nobody wanted to talk and that is part of the rot in the system because there’s an unwritten oath of secrecy,” Ugboma said. Some people are cautiously optimistic that the high-profile death of Adichie’s’s son will trigger an overhaul of the health regulatory framework. For Ugboma, his long fight for accountability was worth it. “Right now, I can talk to my children and tell them I fought for their mother even in death,’ he said. “There’s justice out there if only one can persevere. It’s a marathon. But we can only have a better system if more people begin to challenge them.”