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Middle East crisis live: Netanyahu downplays US row as Trump confirms heated call between pair

Abbas Araqchi, the Iranian foreign minister, said in an interview with the Lebanese broadcaster Al Mayadeen on Wednesday that Tehran’s contacts with Washington have not been cut off, Reuters reports. However, no progress has been made in negotiations, Araqchi said. Earlier, Araqchi had posted on X that Iran’s armed forces are conducting self-defense strikes on sites the US is permitted to use to attack civilian shipping and violate the ceasefire. Araqchi added that any hostile act will be met with an immediate, decisive response from Iran.

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Sixty thousand love letters and counting: volunteers help sift through vast German trove of devotion

After four decades together, Tatiana and Steffen Missbach still write each other love letters. “A good love letter is specific – not only declaring your feelings but also, you know, ‘good luck at music practice, I’ll be thinking of you’,” said Tatiana, 66, a retired personnel manager. “If he’s leaving early on a work trip, I like waking up and finding one at the breakfast table waiting for me.” Steffen, 68, a car appraiser, said it was his way of giving Tatiana “something to hold in her hands for the time that I’m not there, when I can’t be here to speak the words”. The Missbachs have joined a unique programme at the University of Koblenz, in western Germany, marrying citizen science with one of the largest archives of love letters in Europe, filled with sweet nothings dating back to the 1700s. Founded by Eva Wyss, a Swiss linguist, the archive now comprises more than 60,000 letters, with more arriving by the day, almost all donated from private collections. Each speaks to the intimate life of a couple but also holds keys to understanding eras of history and the evolution of language. In Wyss’s vast trove of devotion, some of the paper is yellowed, or covered in drawings of a beloved, or stained by ancient pressed flowers, or tucked in envelopes sealed with red wax stamps or lipstick kisses. To preserve the letters and make them searchable in a database, Wyss and her team have embarked on an ambitious drive to digitise the correspondence at their disposal, together with colleagues at the Technical University in Darmstadt. In a clever workaround for the limited resources of academia, they have inspired a small army of volunteers such as the Missbachs to help with tasks such as sorting and transcribing the handwritten letters, still beyond the capabilities of AI. One of the sweeteners offered to the volunteers is a monthly stammtisch, or regular gathering, where the group discuss a selection of letters from a specific era. On a recent warm spring evening, correspondence between lovers in communist East Germany was the focus. Over drinks and snacks, the Missbachs, who both grew up in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) but now live in the west, joined a lively discussion of six anonymised letters with other participants from both sides of the iron curtain. After reading each one out loud, the group, along with two of Wyss’s researchers, Carla Seibert and Dominik Taubert, debated the state of the writers’ relationships – what social pressures they may have encountered, whether self-censorship may have been in play to evade official repression, and whether the authors may have been informing to the Stasi secret police, based on a certain cageyness in their prose. “It’s really fascinating, especially when you can see parallels to your own life and love stories,” Steffen said. “We start talking about the letters and end up talking about that time in our lives.” Wyss’s labour of love began in Zurich in 1997 when she put out a call for letter donations from the public and got an overwhelming response, from the contents of family attics and estate sales to clandestine stashes from the recipients themselves that had never been seen by anyone but the paramours. “Within two or three months, I had more than 2,000 letters,” Wyss said. “I knew I was on to something.” Coming from linguistics and inspired by British advances in cultural studies, Wyss said she wanted to explode the then narrow notion of whose writing was academically significant. “There was a big bias in German studies about what a love letter even was,” she said. “It was highly idealised and focused mainly on men writing at the peak of their passion to their beloved – we’re talking in the 18th and early 19th century. “The more workaday letters – ‘how are you?’ ‘Have you recovered from your illness?’ ‘How are the children?’ – these expressions of more ordinary concern and care which are also expressions of love, often from women, tended to be cast aside by German philology in favour of the ‘great poets’. So it was a rich area for new research,” she said. For every “darling”, “honey” and “angel”, there is boundless linguistic creativity to be found in the dusty pouches of her growing archive. Wyss cited a favourite from 1930: “Du Sapperlotslausbübischtolltrolliges Wesen Du!” (“You darndest cheeky elfin creature you!”), written by a “Spitz” to his Lisel. A young man in the 1990s harnessed the zeitgeist to convey passion for his flame with a string of evocative metaphors fit for the techno age: “We’ll never part; you’re always by my side, sitting in my head, striking poses and changing, and every now and then tapping the top of my skull with a broomstick. And you dance in my heart around a mighty fire to a systolic breakbeat, swinging from one coronary artery to the next and administering nothing but love drugs intravenously.” Inside the archive, Taubert opened a large box with a three-decade-long exchange of nearly 3,000 letters between a Berlin prison inmate and his parole officer, who had a passionate, hush-hush love affair. “He was in and out of jail on drug offences and she ended up losing her job,” Taubert said. “The letters give us unique insight into daily life behind bars and how their love and sexuality could be lived out under the circumstances, at a time when Aids was spreading in the prison. They got married when he was finally released for good.” Wyss said she personally found the greatest beauty in simplicity, citing another favourite: “S., you’re my everything, and I want it to stay that way for quite some time to come.” She and her fellow scholars have over the past three decades produced dozens of studies looking at myriad aspects of how human beings express affection, longing, desire, jealousy, betrayal and loss in written form. “The rise of the bourgeoisie in the 18th century played a key role in establishing a vocabulary of emotions,” Wyss said. “It’s not just about the gallantry found in aristocratic letters or their cheeky, humorous flirting, but also about this exchange of deep feelings you start seeing.” In the 19th century, sweethearts who were engaged would have to assume that their families would read the letters aloud, lending the writing a certain stiff formality. But with the rise of early 20th-century feminism, language too was emancipated, unleashing playful humour and sometimes frank eroticism. “Under the Nazis, there is a backlash against explicit sexuality that only returns in the later postwar decades – by the 1980s you start seeing pretty brazen sex drawings in the letters,” Wyss said. She said fears that the digital age would kill the love letter – and research about romantic correspondence – had been unfounded. “The rise of the telephone was a much bigger threat,” she said. “Email and texting marked the return to writing about love.” A more expansive idea of love letters takes in the fleeting detritus of modern life, from a Post-it note left on a pillow to a WhatsApp message stuffed with the gamut of heart emojis. “The possibility to be in constant contact doesn’t mean it suits every couple,” Wyss said of phone messaging. “Some like to speak, some leave each other voice notes, some leave their communication entirely to swapping pictures. Some get upset if their partner forgets the kiss emoji. Every couple now needs to find what works for them, or doesn’t, online.” The emotional vulnerability of the sexes during wartime, the etymology of pet names derived from animals and foods, the strategies of baby-come-back pleas and the bouquet of common sign-offs to a beloved have all formed the basis of research by Wyss and her collaborators. She said the inclusion of citizens such as the Missbachs in the project not only served the practical purpose of expanding and fine-tuning the database but had also opened her eyes to fruitful new avenues to explore. “The citizens can see what interests us, while we can also see what the citizens find interesting in the letters,” she said. “It gets us out of a bubble and into a dialogue. The subject is so big and there’s still so much to learn.”

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Four migrant workers reportedly burned alive in their car in attack in Italy

The exploitation of farm workers in Italy has come under the spotlight again after four men – three Afghans and one from Pakistan – were allegedly burned alive in a car at a petrol station in Calabria. The attack was captured by a surveillance camera at the garage in Amendolara, close to Cosenza. Two Pakistani nationals have been arrested on charges of aggravated murder, according to public prosecutor Alessandro D’Alessio. The video footage, which was broadcast by the state TV network, Rai, and other Italian media, appears to show the suspects pouring liquid into the back of the vehicle while it is parked next to a petrol pump. They set it ablaze and block its doors to try to ensure the victims cannot get out. A fourth Afghan man, who suffered burns to his arms, managed to escape through the boot. In an interview with the regional news service TGR Calabria, the survivor, a strawberry picker who shared a flat with the four victims, said the killers were part of a “huge Pakistani mafia”, adding: “It’s a miracle that I’m alive.” He said the victims were threatened with guns and knives and had been forced to work without pay and received only food and board. Facilitated by flaws in immigration and labour law, the exploitation of farm workers has become rampant under a criminal system known as caporalato – a lucrative, tightly run network of gangmasters who illegally recruit poorly paid labourers. Francesco Savino, vice-president of the Italian bishops’ conference, said news of the murders “shakes the faith in humanity” and called for a “revolt of conscience” against exploitation, the gangmaster system and indifference. “I say it forcefully,” he added. “Enough with the dirty silence of convenience. Enough with the grey area that sees, knows and lets things happen. Enough with the wicked habit of considering it normal for men from far away to harvest, work, live, sleep, travel, and die like bodies without a history.” CGIL, Italy’s biggest trade union, described the murders as an “unspeakable horror” and urged politicians to “combat the abominations of daily life experienced by workers, often migrants, in our countryside”. The video of the scene was shared on social media by Roberto Occhiuto, president of the Calabria region in Italy’s south. He said: “This is a chilling story that shakes our consciences and raises profound questions about the tragedy of migration, the value of human dignity and the responsibilities a civil society must assume toward the most vulnerable.” Many farm workers arrive in Italy by boat, but plenty arrive legally by air after paying a gangmaster thousands of euros in the belief they are leaving their home countries for a genuine job. Giorgia Meloni, the prime minister, pledged to clamp down on the gangmaster system after Satnam Singh, a 31-year-old farm worker from India, was crushed to death by a machine on a farm in the Latina area near Rome. His employer is on trial for voluntary murder after allegedly leaving Singh injured outside his home, with his severed arm placed in a fruit basket. Singh died in hospital two days after the incident in June 2024. Meloni’s government has addressed the exploitation issue through increased inspections at farms and of employers and by expanding legal channels of immigration. Italy is issuing 500,000 new work visas for non-EU nationals by 2028, a measure also aimed at resolving labour shortages across various sectors. However, unions have criticised the policy because of bureaucratic issues with processing the visas.

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Leftwing US pair refused entry to UK will address Oxford Union remotely

Two leftwing US political commentators who were banned from entering the UK will still speak at the Oxford Union via livestream. The Home Office told Cenk Uygur and Hasan Piker their presence in the UK was “not conducive to the public good” when they attempted to come to London to attend this week’s SXSW London event. The government has not commented on the specific reasons for the ban but Uygur, the host of the Young Turks podcast, has been accused of propagating antisemitic tropes in his criticism of Israel. He has insisted his criticisms are confined to analysis of Israeli influence over US policymaking. Piker, a leftwing streamer, has faced a backlash over some of his comments, including reportedly saying on a 2019 stream that “America deserved 9/11”, a comment he later apologised for and said was “inappropriate”. Piker has stood by his characterisation of Hamas as “1,000 times better” than Israel and his claim that he “would vote for Hamas over Israel every single time”, made in an episode of Pod Save America, the podcast hosted by former staffers for Barack Obama. Piker has said he is not antisemitic but anti-Israel. As well as the SXSW invitation, they were also due to speak this Saturday at the Oxford Union, the world’s most prestigious debating society. The Oxford Union president, Arwa Elrayess, said: “The Oxford Union intended to host Cenk Uygur and Hasan Piker on 6 June for a discussion and head-to-head event with our members. We are deeply concerned by the revocation of both speakers’ electronic travel authorisations on the basis that their appearances would not be ‘conducive to public good’.” She added: “The Oxford Union was founded on one principle: that ideas are challenged through debate, not silenced by decree. We have never turned a speaker away because of their political beliefs nor have we sought a permission slip from the state. We will not start now. This event will not be cancelled. The union will ensure this discussion takes place. Free speech does not require a visa. We will update our members shortly.” SXSW London did not make such provisions for the pair. A spokesperson said: “We are aware that Cenk Uygur and Hasan Piker are unable to travel to the UK following a decision by the Home Office. They will therefore not be participating in the SXSW London programme this year. “Decisions on entry to the UK are a matter for the Home Office and the individuals concerned. SXSW London’s role is to convene a broad range of diverse voices and perspectives. We remain focused on delivering a programme this week fostering open dialogue and exchange of ideas and featuring more than 800 speakers, artists and screenings.” Free speech activists criticised the government’s decision to ban the pair. Jemimah Steinfeld, the chief executive of the Index on Censorship, called it a “worrying escalation”. Akiko Hart, the director of Liberty, called on the government to be transparent about its rationale for issuing bans, saying: “Free speech can only exist when we defend it for those we disagree with, as uncomfortable as it may feel.”

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Kidnappings, threats and ‘protection fees’: how can Mexico confront rise in deadly extortion?

It was about 11pm and Luis* was about to get into an Uber to go home when the police car pulled up. One of the officers frisked him and produced two plastic bags with what looked like drugs: one contained some sort of powder, the other little crystals. Luis had never seen them before. Luis, who asked not to use his real name for fear of reprisals, insisted that the drugs weren’t his, but the officers didn’t seem to care. They shoved him into the back of the police truck and drove into the night. “You’re in big trouble,” one said. The frightening ordeal lasted hours, as the police drove him all over the Mexican city, threatening him, mocking him and sexually assaulting him. It was only once the officers had drained both of Luis’ bank accounts and taken all his cash – totalling about $870 – that he was released. “If you tell anyone what happened, we’re going to find you,” said one of the officers, according to Luis. “Where do you think you could file a complaint? There’ll be someone there who’s going to tell us and then we’re going to kill you and everyone close to you.” Luis’s terrifying experience has become commonplace in Mexico. Extortion is one of the country’s most prevalent and fastest-growing crimes. Between 2016 and 2025, the number of reported extortion cases nearly doubled. According to the Global Organized Crime Index, Mexico is one the world’s top five countries for extortion and racketeering, along with Libya, Colombia, Honduras and Somalia. In the first four months of 2026, there were nearly 3,600 cases nationwide, according to official figures. Yet the true number is likely far higher: only 0.2% of extortion cases are reported, largely out of fear of reprisals, making it Mexico’s most “silent” crime. It is also one of the country’s most costly, sucking up 0.04% of its GDP every year – nearly $900m. Extortion affects all sectors of society, from wealthy entrepreneurs to shopkeepers who are targeted by criminal gangs and forced to pay a “protection fee”. In other instances known as “express kidnappings,” people are detained for a few hours until their families pay up. Gangs abduct – or claim to have abducted – children and even pets, says Emmanuel Moya, an anti-corruption expert. “They don’t discriminate against anyone. That’s why it’s so profitable, so easy to do, and so difficult to combat.” The town of Huautla in Morelos state recently drew national attention after the Bishop of Cuernavaca denounced the extortionists demanding that residents pay $10 per family member each month just to live there – equivalent to two-thirds of the daily minimum wage. “Some had five children – imagine what that means per month for a poor person or family, in such a difficult environment,” Bishop Ramón Castro told Radio Fórmula. In the nearby city of Cuautla, known as the extortion capital of Mexico, things were almost as bad, with street vendors forced to pay sometimes two different gangs at the same time, Castro said. “Imagine a woman who sells tamales, a woman who sells ice-cream, having to pay organised crime,” he said. “This is unheard of and heartbreaking.” When owners are unable to keep paying, businesses are often forced to close down. And when people do speak out, the result can be deadly. In October, the leader of a local lime growers’ organisation in Michoacán state was killed after repeatedly denouncing extortion by crime groups. Two weeks later, Carlos Manzo, the mayor of the city of Uruapán, was shot dead on the Day of the Dead after calling out extortion by criminal gangs and local officials. “We are surrounded by criminal groups dedicated to extortion and killing,” the mayor said last year. “But we are going to confront them.” President Claudia Sheinbaum has vowed to target the scourge, pushing for a constitutional amendment to make extortion a federal crime, which would allow prosecutors to investigate cases without victims having to file a complaint. Since authorities launched a “national strategy against extortion” last July, more than 1,300 people have been arrested. Sheinbaum has also launched a large-scale security effort known as Operation Swarm to tackle corruption among local officials. While most cases of extortion are linked to organised crime groups, Operation Swarm has highlighted how prevalent it is among local authorities. The operation has led to the arrests of more than 70 officials, at least five of whom have been convicted on extortion charges. Often local mayors will work with criminal groups in exchange for bribes, while other times authorities rely on extortion just to line their own pocketbooks. Luis, like most victims of extortion, decided not to report his experience, fearful that the officers would make good on their threat. But that night still haunts him. “I’m very disappointed by all the kinds of violence happening in the city right now,” he said. “I really suffer every time I pass by a place where there are police officers.”

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Italy votes to become a republic – archive, 1946

Italy to become a republic: royal family going into exile 6 June 1946 Italy is to become a Republic. This became known last evening when Rome radio broadcast the result of the referendum. The figures were: For a republic …….… 12,182,855 For the monarchy .… 10,362,709 The figures represent votes cast in 34,112 out of 35,236 polling districts. The figures will be announced on Sunday, and ex-King Umberto will leave Italy that day, probably for Egypt, where his father, Victor Emmanuel, is already living. His wife and family went to Naples yesterday to await him. All regions of northern Italy voted for a republic and central and southern Italy, with the exception of the region of Umbria, favoured the monarchy, as did Sicily and Sardinia. Rome was equally divided, 677,000 voting for a monarchy, and 619,000 against. The latest election results give the Christian Democrats a lead of about three million votes over the Socialists and, who are the second largest party. The Communists came not far behind the Socialists. Editorial: the new republic 6 June 1946 Seventy-four years after his death one half of Mazzini’s dream has been realised: Italy is for the first time in her history united as a republic. Even those who value the monarchy most highly in this country will not be inclined to question the wisdom of this choice. The best traditions of modern Italy are republican traditions. The Savoy monarchy was no natural growth. Those Italians who had long dreamed of national unity never dreamt that it would come in the shape of a dynasty from Piedmont, and they accepted it – if they did accept it – only because it seemed the easiest way to achieve their aim. Francesco Crispi, Mazzini’s ablest follower, expressed this well when he finally broke from his leader with the declaration “The republic would divide us, the monarchy unites us.” To-day many Italians must wonder whether the reverse will hold good. Though the referendum has given the republic a clear majority it is not a decisive majority – 12,182,855 against 10,362,709, – and it is remarkable that even after Victor Emmanuel’s collaboration with fascism nearly half the country was ready to give its allegiance to the House of Savoy. It is not impossible that if the allies had accepted Croce’s proposal of a regency on behalf of the boy Prince of Naples, who, unlike King Victor Emmanuel and King Humbert, bore no stigma of fascism, Italy would still be a monarchy to-day. Moreover, in spite of attempts to conceal it, it is known that whereas the north was strong for the republic the south was loyal to the monarchy. This is not surprising in view of the rival historical traditions, but it may help to accentuate one of the most persistent and fatal rifts in Italian politics. Great wisdom and restraint will be necessary if the new republic is not to be haunted by royalist ghosts. If one half of Mazzini’s dream has been realised in the referendum for the republic the results of the election show how remote was his other aim – the destruction of the papacy. The Christian Democrats, who are very much the party of the Roman Catholic church, have won a resounding victory. Continue reading. The birth of the republic From our own correspondent 11 June 1946 Rome To-day the Italian supreme court in a simple but historic ceremony in the parliament building announced the all but complete returns for the referendum on the monarchy. And so, somewhat hesitantly, the Italian Republic came into being. Since early in the morning there had been a queue outside parliament for the few seats available for the public at this evening’s ceremony. The president of the High Court of Cassation, with six sectional presidents, all black-robed, stood at one end of the hall, with the Italian government, while the president solemnly announced the almost complete figures of the voting. The court had announced that some objections had still to be investigated and that some results were missing, and so the question arose whether the Republic had been officially proclaimed. Signor de Gasperi, the premier, thought it had: it was not necessary that it should be proclaimed from a balcony, he said. “If the court has felt authorised to communicate figures showing a majority for the republic we take that to mean that the court is satisfied that further adjustments cannot materially modify the result.” Signor de Gasperi added that if Umberto leaves to-night or tomorrow, he leaves still as “King” of Italy. There was no reason on personal grounds why the king should leave at all as he had behaved very well. Thus from to-night Signor de Gasperi becomes not only prime minister but also head of the Italian state. This is a temporary measure until the first meeting of the new Constituent Assembly, which must elect Italy’s first president. Continue reading Umberto gives up the fight and goes: flight into exile in Portugal From our own correspondent 14 June 1946 The people of Rome, who have got into the habit these last few days of looking at the Quirinal from time to time, saw the royal standard come slowly down at 10 minutes to six to-night. At 2.30 Umberto II was seen to drive into the Quirinal, from which all cordons had been removed. At quarter past three his car, followed by another, drove swiftly out towards the Ciampino airport before anyone except a few waiting journalists knew what had happened. At the airport the passengers of the two cars, who included Umberto, two Italian generals, and two ladies-in-waiting, as well as Duke Gallarati Scotti, Italy’s Ambassador in Madrid, who is on his way back to his post, entered the Italian plane which had been waiting since Monday to take the king to Portugal. Continue reading. Voting by symbol 5 June 1946 Today we reproduce some of the symbols by which the parties are represented on the voting paper and the simpler but more prosaic designs which stand for the republic and the monarchy. The use of symbols is presumably to help the section of the electorate which is illiterate. The chief parties are the Christian Democrats (2), the Socialists (6), the Communists (13), the Republican party (3), the Royalist National Block (16), and the Liberals (18). No 9, which shows the Stars and Stripes as well as the tricolour of Italy, is the symbol of the party which wants Italy to be the 44th state of the United States.