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Israel seizes strategic castle in deepest incursion into Lebanon in 26 years

Israeli troops have captured a clifftop castle as they made their deepest incursion into Lebanon in more than 26 years, further shattering a nominal US-brokered ceasefire and complicating efforts to extend the separate truce between the Washington and Tehran. After days of intense fighting and airstrikes in nearby villages, the Israeli defence minister, Israel Katz, said the military had captured Beaufort Castle, also known as Qalaat al-Shaqif, which it had used as a base during its previous occupation of southern Lebanon between 1982 and 2000. The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) already controlled territory up to the Litani River in its campaign against Hezbollah, but troops are now pushing towards the Zahrani River, about six miles north. The French foreign minister, Jean-Noël Barrot, requested an emergency meeting of the UN security council on Monday to discuss Israel’s military operations in Lebanon, which he described as unacceptable. “Nothing can justify the prolongation of Israeli military operations in Lebanon and its increasingly deep occupation of Lebanese territory,” he said. Images and footage showed Israeli and Golani Brigade flags flying over Beaufort Castle, which overlooks much of southern Lebanon, giving it strategic importance, as shelling echoed across the surrounding hills and plumes of smoke rose from the area. The IDF said it had “launched an operation in the Beaufort Ridge and Wadi al-Saluki area of southern Lebanon to dismantle Hezbollah infrastructure and expand its control of the area”. Israeli forces appear to be positioning themselves for a potential encirclement of Nabatieh, a city that serves as an economic centre and a cultural heartland for southern Lebanon. Prof Yagil Levy, the head of the Institute for the Study of Civil-Military Relations at the Open University of Israel, described the latest advance as no more than “victory of image”. “There was already debate in 1982 over how necessary the capture of Beaufort really was,” he said. “It attempts to present an accomplishment within a public discourse that increasingly assumes that Israel is not winning. “Protests are growing in the northern communities, criticism is emerging from within the military over soldiers’ vulnerability to drone attacks, Hezbollah remains intact, and there is no realistic plan for its disarmament.” The advance also poses a challenge to stalled negotiations between the US and Iran, as Tehran wants any deal to include the end of fighting in Lebanon as well. Observers have said Israeli officials and military commanders want to inflict as much damage as possible on Hezbollah before a potential deal imposes new limits or stops the current offensive. The fighting in Lebanon has been the broadest spillover of the Iran war, displacing more than 1.2 million people as a result of Israeli strikes and evacuation orders since 2 March. A truce officially began on 17 April but has never been observed. Israel and Hezbollah accuse each other daily of violations as justification for their attacks. For many in Lebanon, Nabatieh carries a significance that extends beyond its strategic value. Long regarded as a symbol of resistance, the city has repeatedly been on the frontline of Israeli military campaigns and is deeply embedded in the political and historical memory of southern Lebanon. Israeli forces have moved past the towns of Zawtar al-Sharqiyah and Mayfadoun in recent days and are approaching Choukine, where local people were ordered to evacuate on Saturday amid fears of further military operations. Taking over Nabatieh would deal a blow to Hezbollah’s morale, said Mohanad Hage Ali, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Middle East Center, a thinktank based in Beirut. Addressing fears of a virtual annexation, he said: “Given the level of destruction in the so-called ‘yellow zone’, the range of possibilities is between denying the return of the population, and annexation/settlement in a similar fashion to the West Bank. “Annexation is no longer a wild conspiracy theory. There are ministerial statements to this effect from Israel’s finance and national security ministers, among others.” Lebanon’s prime minister, Nawaf Salam, accused Israel on Saturday of “pursuing a scorched-earth policy and collective punishment” by “destroying towns and villages, and forcing their inhabitants into exile” in the south of the country. He said the country was facing a “dangerous” escalation and called for “a swift and real ceasefire”. The actions would bring “neither security nor stability” to Israel, he said. Salam defended his government’s engagement with its southern neighbour after military delegations held security talks in Washington on Friday. More US-brokered negotiations are planned next week. He said the outcome of the talks was not guaranteed, but called them “the least costly path for our country and our people”. Reuters reported the Israeli military as saying one of its soldiers had been killed in combat in southern Lebanon. Hezbollah said earlier on Saturday that it had targeted the air traffic control unit at the Meron base in northern Israel, a strategic surveillance and command facility near the Lebanese border. The group also claimed responsibility for rocket fire towards Kiryat Shmona, one of the Israeli communities most exposed to the conflict. Videos on social media appeared to show beachgoers in northern Israel running for shelter as Hezbollah rockets were launched towards the area, according to local media. The barrage was the first fired from Lebanon towards the coastal city of Nahariya in three weeks. The Lebanese health ministry sayid Israeli attacks had killed at least 3,371 people since 2 March, when Hezbollah drew Lebanon into the Middle East war in support of Iran. The group said it had attacked Israel in retaliation for the death of Iran’s supreme leader in US-Israeli strikes when the war erupted on 28 February. With Agence France-Presse and Reuters

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WHO calls for community cooperation to contain Ebola outbreak in DRC

Containing the Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of Congo requires community cooperation and is “everybody’s business”, the World Health Organization has said. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, the organisation’s director general, made the plea on Sunday during a visit to eastern Congo where some residents have protested against stringent medical protocols for handling victims’ bodies. “We can stop this Ebola and anyone who has it can also recover. But the rule … is this thing is everybody’s business and every citizen should be involved,” Ghebreyesus said at the opening of a treatment centre in Bunia, the capital of Ituri province, which is at the centre of the outbreak. Protesters have complained restrictions on handling victims’ bodies violate local burial rites, a sentiment that has been linked to at least three attacks against health centres. There is no vaccine for the Bundibugyo virus, the strain behind the current outbreak, but infected people can recover, according to Ghebreyesus. He said: “If you come to health facilities when you have symptoms, you can get the support and recover, so the key is to come forward as early as possible and to get the necessary support.” Five patients have recovered and four were to be discharged on Sunday, after the earlier discharge of the other patient, the WHO chief said. The organisation has recorded 906 suspected cases and 223 suspected deaths in the DRC. Authorities in neighbouring Uganda have confirmed nine cases and one death. Fighting between rival armed groups in the mineral-rich Ituri region has complicated relief efforts, prompting Ghebreyesus to call for a ceasefire, saying: “No cause, no conflict, no grievance is worth condemning innocent people to death from a preventable disease.” Brazilian health authorities said they are monitoring two patients for possible Ebola infection in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. A 37-year-old man from DRC “exhibited symptoms such as fever, meeting the definition of a suspected case” of Ebola, the São Paulo state government said in a statement on Saturday. The health department in Rio de Janeiro state meanwhile reported that it had activated safety protocols after a man from Uganda showed “viral symptoms such as cough, chills and diarrhoea”. The outbreak – which the WHO has declared a public health emergency of international concern – is the 17th recorded Ebola epidemic in the DRC. The disease was first identified in the central African country in 1976 and has an average death rate, across all outbreaks, of 50%. Health officials and aid workers have complained they lack basic supplies such as masks. Medical aid donated by the European Union reached Ituri last week and the US announced $80m (£60m) in additional aid, raising its total commitment to $112m. The Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention said national incident systems must be activated rapidly and that investments in pandemic preparedness must become permanent. Jean Kaseya, the organisation’s director general, said in the Financial Times on Sunday that international support was vital and most effective when it aligned with the strategies of African institutions and African governments. “Africa’s response to Ebola must be defined by Africa itself,” he wrote. The medical charity Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) warned on Saturday that the disease’s spread was deeply alarming and that never before had so many cases been recorded so soon. MSF teams were “witnessing a response that has not yet caught up to the rapid spread of the epidemic”, said the organisation’s deputy director, Alan Gonzalez. “The reality today is that nobody knows the true scale and severity of this outbreak. New suspected cases are being reported daily, yet hundreds of samples remain untested.”

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Middle East crisis: Netanyahu hails capture of castle in Lebanon as nominal ceasefire left in tatters – as it happened

The Guardian’s live coverage of the crisis in the Middle East is coming to a close for today. Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared that Israeli forces’ capture of Beaufort castle in southern Lebanon marked a “dramatic shift” in Israel’s campaign against Hezbollah in Lebanon. Israel has stepped up its offensive in Lebanon with the taking of the hilltop castle. Large areas of Lebanon are under evacuation orders as Israel intensifies its fight with Hezbollah. More on today’s key events below: Israel’s defence minister Israel Katz said troops will remain in Beaufort as part of Israel’s security zone in Lebanon. In a post on X, Katz said: “At the direction of prime minister Netanyahu and at my direction, the IDF expanded the manoeuvre in Lebanon, crossed the Litani River, and captured the Beaufort ridge – one of the most important strategic points for defending the settlements of the Galilee and safeguarding the security of our forces. Following the capture of Beaufort, the Israeli military issued a sweeping evacuation order to areas south of the Zahrani river, north of the Litani and around 25 miles from the border. “For the sake of your safety, we direct this to all residents located south of the Zahleh River – as indicated on the map – that you must evacuate your homes immediately,” Israeli military spokesman Avichay Adraee said in a post on X. France requested an emergency meeting of the United Nations security council after Israeli forces seized Beaufort. “I have requested an emergency meeting of the United Nations Security Council because, while we recognise Israel’s right, like that of all countries, to self-defence... nothing can justify the continuation of Israeli military operations in Lebanon and its ever-deeper occupation of Lebanese territory,” Jean-Noel Barrot said on the BFMTV channel. An Israeli strike near a hospital in Tyre, south Lebanon wounded 13 staffers, the Lebanese health ministry said. “The Israeli enemy launched an airstrike in the vicinity of Hiram Hospital in Tyre, injuring 13 hospital staff members and causing significant damage,” the ministry said in a statement, urging “the international community to put an end to the escalating and expanding Israeli attacks”. US secretary of state Marco Rubio is expected to announce a new ceasefire deal between Lebanon and Israel following political track negotiations in Washington Tuesday, the Lebanon Broadcasting Corporation International reported, citing sources. Talks are due to take place on 2 and 3 June in Washington. The Lebanese Health Ministry said the death toll in the country since March was 3,371, including civilians and combatants. The Israeli army announced Sunday that one of its soldiers had been killed the previous day by a Hezbollah explosive drone in southern Lebanon, bringing to 25 the number of Israeli military deaths since early March. While the focus today has mainly been on events in Lebanon, Iran’s top negotiator Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf said the country will not accept any agreement ending its conflict with the US unless there is certainty that the Iranian people’s rights are secured. “There is no trust in the enemy’s words and promises. Our only criterion is to achieve tangible results before we fulfil our commitments in return,” he said.

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Death of Congolese man renews scrutiny of race relations in Ireland

Irish authorities have agreed to a second postmortem on the body of a Congolese man who died after being restrained by shop security guards on a Dublin street, prompting an outcry and comparisons to the death of George Floyd. A forensic pathologist from England is to conduct an independent postmortem this week on Yves Sakila, 35, an alleged shoplifter who was pursued and pinned to the ground in the city centre on 15 May. The police force, An Garda Síochána, is investigating. Protestors have held several rallies and on Saturday held a vigil at Henry Street near Arnotts, a department store where Sakila allegedly stole a bottle of perfume, leading to a chase outside, where security guards detained him for about five minutes until police arrived and found him to be unresponsive. Some of the incident was filmed and shared on social media. Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner, the foreign minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, visited Dublin last week to meet family representatives and Irish officials. Sakila’s relatives were traumatised and “reeling”, the minister told RTÉ. “But they also displayed an enormous amount of courage, of serenity, and of course, of patience and trust in the Irish authorities that justice will be made and that light will be shed on the circumstances around Mr Sakila’s untimely death.” The family wanted to understand “how such a demonstration of excessive force could happen in broad daylight” and to ensure that publicity around the case was not short-lived, said Wagner. The minister met Ireland’s president, Catherine Connolly, the justice minister, Jim O’Callaghan, and the foreign minister, Helen McEntee. “The conversations that I had in Dublin were very fruitful and constructive and encouraging,” she said. The case has sharpened scrutiny on race relations in Ireland, where some activists and politicians have linked the arrival of immigrants and asylum seekers with a housing shortage and cost of living crisis. Bertie Ahern, a former taoiseach, was secretly recorded earlier this month – before Sakila’s death – saying: “The ones I worry about are the Africans. We can’t be taking in people from the Congo and all these places.” Placards at vigils for Sakila have referenced Black Lives Matter, the movement that spread in the US after a police officer in Minneapolis was filmed cutting off Floyd’s oxygen supply by kneeling on his neck for nine minutes. The officer, Derek Chauvin, was convicted of murder. Sakila, who had lived in Ireland since 2004, reportedly had convictions for theft and was living in a homeless shelter. During his pursuit, an elderly man was knocked over and broke a hip. Footage shared on social media showed Sakila face down and being restrained, with one man appearing to kneel on his neck. When police arrived they briefly handcuffed Sakila before realising he was unresponsive and taking him to the Mater hospital, where he was pronounced dead. The postmortem appeared to be inconclusive, requiring a second one, the family’s solicitor, John Gerard Cullen, told reporters. “There are so many unanswered questions,” he said. He has submitted 41 questions to gardaí. David Rouse, a pathologist with Forensic Healthcare Services in Essex, is to conduct the second postmortem.

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Could Trump’s Iran ‘excursion’ be a bigger global turning point than Vietnam?

In a 1965 speech justifying the war in Vietnam, Lyndon B Johnson argued that the goal was to ensure “every country can shape its own destiny” since only in such a world could the US secure its own freedom. However, he also admitted “such were infirmities of man that force must often precede reason, and the waste of war, the works of peace”. It was the kind of elegant justification of the country’s moral mission to which successive US presidential speechwriters have turned at times of war. Assured by limitless military superiority and filled with such noble intent, US presidents have repeatedly been lured into launching wars only to find themselves confounded, ensnared and then broken by their inability to overpower an inferior opponent they wholly misjudged. It seemed safe to assume that this was a fate that would never befall Donald Trump. He was implacably opposed to endless wars that seemed disconnected to the everyday lives of his supporters. He would never equate military power with military victory. Yet Trump’s “little excursion to Iran”, judging by the drafts of the potential peace agreements that are circulating, is being universally perceived as a defeat. Almost regardless of the outcome – most likely a return to the old status quo – the war looks ill-conceived, a monument to confused objectives, bad planning and misplaced assumptions. In scale, of course, the current conflict does not match the Vietnam war, which went on for years, led to the deaths of 58,220 US soldiers, and is often perceived as the totemic and unmatchable example of US hubris. By comparison with the Vietnam odyssey, Iran feels more like a day trip. But in terms of consequence, it is still possible that the “excursion” will prove to be the bigger geopolitical turning point for the unrivalled superpower, the moment when the US will have to concede it mishandled a war not just because it had no convincing battle plan, but also no grand strategy to match how the contemporary world works. In an interconnected world, Trump believes progress is achieved through conflict, not cooperation. Ironically for Trump, the shadow of Vietnam has always loomed large, and not just because he repeatedly dodged the draft. In many ways his political appeal is born of Vietnam. The Pulitzer prize-winning author Fredrik Logevall, professor of history at Harvard University, recently argued that “many of the troubles that plague America today – alienation, resentment, cynicism, the mistrust of government, the breakdown of civil discourse and of civic institutions, and the lack of accountability in powerful institutions – have their roots in the Vietnam war era”. “You could argue that Americans went from naivety at the outset of the Vietnam era to cynicism – and cynicism that alienates us from the government, threatens democracy because it destroys the power of the people to believe in change, and to work for change,” he said. It is in this polarised political ecosystem that Trump was to blossom. *** Clearly the domestic US consequences of Iran will never match Vietnam. True, the war was unpopular from the start, but society has not been torn apart by it. Only 13 body bags, each a personal tragedy, have been sent home. At the most, inflation caused by the energy shock will ensure an already unpopular president is punished in the midterms, something he professes not to concern him. But it is arguable that the international consequences of the Iran war could yet prove more long lasting. The fall of Saigon in April 1975 did not have the widely forecast global fallout. The predicted “domino effect” of communism sweeping south-east Asia, as Henry Kissinger and Johnson feared, did not materialise, save in Cambodia and Laos. By contrast, Trump’s war of choice looks to be a signal of defeat that will have an effect in several fields. It marks the collapse of Israel’s 20-year Iran strategy to produce regime change and will accelerate the already rapid decline in the influence of this Israeli government in Washington. Danny Citrinowicz, the former head of an Iran branch of Israeli military intelligence, describes the war as an operational success but a strategic fiasco for Israel. The war is also prompting Gulf monarchies to profoundly reappraise their geopolitical relationships, including the question of whether the existence of US bases brings the security required for their economies to diversify. Mojtaba Khamenei, the new Iranian supreme leader, may be indulging in wishful thinking in saying the clock can never be turned back to support for US bases. But equally, claims by Trump that countries such as Saudi Arabia or Qatar would now normalise relations with Israel, or join the Abraham accords, sound absurd – in the words of the former US ambassador to Israel Dan Shapiro: as “delusional as a moon made of green cheese”. The Gulf states would prefer an imperfect peace because they see no other way out, Barbara Leaf, a former US undersecretary for the Middle East, told a seminar last week. For students of war, the status of cheap drones as the great leveller in modern conflict has been confirmed – a lesson Iran learned from the Ukraine conflict better than the Pentagon. The US defence secretary, Pete Hegseth, promised “death and destruction from the sky”, hitting 13,000 targets in the first month alone, but it did not bring victory, only the alarming depletion of US missile stores and of the treasury. The fallout is likely to hit Europe hard. As a squeeze on living standards seeps through the global economic system over the next year, centrist incumbents in France, Germany and the UK may face an electoral beating that tears at the architecture of the EU. The task of the incumbents will be made harder if Trump acts on his threat to withdraw US troops from Nato states in retribution for their “cowardly” refusal to come to his aid. For the US foreign policy establishment, exemplified by the Council on Foreign Relations, the missteps in Iran are the final confirmation that Trump’s highly personalised, instinctive system of predatory diplomacy creates only more disorder. Last week, the CFR launched a fundamental review of US strategy post-Trump. Its convener, Rebecca Lissner, has already warned the war “has delivered a potentially fatal blow to a US-led international order that was already on life support”. Allies are hedging, middle powers are forming their own coalitions, and regions once firmly in Washington’s orbit are shifting toward new power centres, she said. The former state department official Mira Rapp-Hooper was more brutal at Chatham House, describing it as superpower suicide. In the short term, two questions from the Iran war have been thrust upon the Democrats, and in effect have already been answered. Has the US interest been furthered by being so close to Israel and its leadership? Would the US not be more powerful if it returned to alliances built on values, and the law, as well as self-interest? For Iran, weakened, impoverished and yet emboldened, the path is unclear. Tehran may yet have to make concessions in the talks on its nuclear programme, including many it was on the verge of offering in Geneva in February. Iran’s internal politics is unpredictable, but this is a more military government, and at the same time the hardest hardliners in parliament have been marginalised. Ali Vaez from the International Crisis Group says the war has given Iran three presents: ideological revitalisation, the discrediting inside Iran of foreign military intervention, and the repair of its deterrence strategy. The US deployed its ultimate deterrent on Iran – war – and it did not work. In the strait of Hormuz, Iran has realised how geography and globalisation have given it an immeasurable asset, one that it will take years of new pipeline construction to devalue. *** Not surprisingly, so universally damning are the global verdicts on Trump’s war that he agonises and balks at signing a document that will in essence get him back to where he started, at a cost of $50bn. His predicament is reminiscent to the one Johnson described to his wife, Lady Bird, in 1965: “I have the choice to go in with great casualty lists or to get out with disgrace. It’s like being in an airplane and I have to choose between crashing the plane or jumping out. I do not have a parachute.” Indeed, Trump seems in a few short few months to have raced through the various stages of grief that Vietnam caused, according to Gideon Rose from the CFR, writing in Foreign Affairs. Rose says Trump first replicated Johnson’s Vietnam story of “entry, escalation, frustrated stalemate, and negotiations”. Then he moved on to the Nixon-Kissinger administration’s approach of “blustery threats, followed by gradual realisation of the need to extricate via an unsatisfying fudged deal”. Trump’s repeated threats to blow countries up have an eerie resemblance to Richard Nixon’s delirium, as described by the former White House chief of staff HR Haldeman in his memoirs. Haldeman recalled Nixon explaining he “could force the North Vietnamese into legitimate peace negotiations. The threat was the key, and Nixon coined a phrase for his theory … He said: ‘I call it the Madman Theory, Bob. I want the North Vietnamese to believe I’ve reached the point where I might do anything to stop the war. We’ll just slip the word to them that, ‘for God’s sake, you know Nixon is obsessed about communism. We can’t restrain him when he’s angry – and he has his hand on the nuclear button’ – and Ho Chi Minh himself will be in Paris in two days begging for peace.” Trump also shares Kissinger’s confidence that countries such as Iran and Vietnam cannot resist indefinitely. “I can’t believe,” Kissinger told his team in 1969, “that a little fourth-rate power like North Vietnam doesn’t have a breaking point.” He wanted an “all-out punishing blow” and his team presented a range of attack scenarios, including use of a nuclear weapon to close the main supply route from China. For Vietnam, see Iran. Once the regime survived the chaos of the wave of assassinations of its leadership, including the loss of its supreme leader, it sensed it did not have a breaking point. Indeed, resistance is part of the Iranian national culture. Iran’s leadership was also helped by Trump’s fixation on applying the Venezuela model by locating someone within country to take over, rather than fostering a wider, messier general insurrection that might have led to civil war. Implausible as it first sounded, it now seems likely Israel genuinely envisaged Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the former firebrand president, taking over, preferring him to Reza Pahlavi, the exiled shah’s son. Trump thought the downfall of the regime would happen within days and make the war self-explanatory. Once that did not happen, he flicked through a Rolodex of rationales, not making a TV address on the war until 2 April. By then, much of his audience, looking at the price of gasoline, was lost. Johnson at least assiduously felt the need to explain why US servicemen were being sent abroad, and he saw it as his duty to try to unite the country in that cause. Indeed he renounced the presidency once he sensed he was a barrier to the country binding its wounds. *** Trump’s fallback message that Iran must never have a nuclear weapon had several drawbacks. Iran had agreed to this in the deal signed in 2015 from which Trump withdrew during his first term. Moreover, Trump said he had completely and totally obliterated Iran’s ability to make such weapons in the attacks mounted in the brief war of June 2025. A succession of experts, including the former EU negotiator for the 2015 deal, Federica Mogherini, tore into Trump’s claim that Iran was close to possessing a bomb. “There was no evidence that Tehran posed an imminent nuclear threat or that diplomacy had been ineffective”. As a result, she said, the war was illegal and reckless from the very first day. She said: “Analysts predicted that going to war with Iran would empower the country’s most conservative hardliners, spread conflict across the region, and drive global energy prices to punishing levels”. The analysts were largely right. Increasingly exasperated White House briefers turned to the role Benjamin Netanyahu had played in persuading Trump to attack Iran. In a recent 60 Minutes interview, the Israeli prime minister insisted it was misleading to say he had forced Trump into war. Both he and Trump jointly weighed the risks, but he admitted “the problem of the Hormuz strait became understood as the war went on”. This was an astonishing admission. Fatih Birol, the chief executive of the International Energy Agency, recently disclosed that in job interviews at the IEA, after asking candidates why they are applying for a job at the IEA, the second is: “What would you do if the strait of Hormuz was closed?” It was a commonplace doomsday scenario, yet the US had to improvise a response. Equally few in the Pentagon foresaw the extent to which Iran would resort to “triangular coercion” – the attack on oil and gas facilities of the Gulf states, as well as exposed US bases. International relations literature claims this is a relatively unstudied phenomenon whereby “a coercer who lacks direct leverage over a resilient target coerces a third party who does possess leverage over the target, and to whom the target is vulnerable, and manipulates it into a clash of interests with the target”. In short, the war might not influence the US itself, but it might get to those that could. It was the alliance of Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Qatar, Egypt and Pakistan that last weekend foreclosed Trump’s return to conflict. They can now hold the reins in the Middle East, and it will be the relationship they can forge with Iran, independent of the US, that matters.

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The Mothers of May’s 20-year struggle for justice after Brazil police rampage

When authorities in the Brazilian state of São Paulo transferred nearly 800 suspected gang members to maximum-security prisons in May 2006, the crime group launched a wave of prison riots and attacks on law enforcement officers. Fifty-nine police and prison officers were killed. In the following nine days, police officers took their revenge, killing more than 500 people in what were described as shootouts with “criminals”, but which human rights organisations and forensic studies attribute, at least in large part, to executions, including of innocent people. Twenty years later, the vast majority of those murders remain unresolved, and victims’ relatives are still demanding the truth from the Brazilian state. Brazil’s superior court of justice is expected to finally rule soon on long-sought compensation for the victims. “There is no amount of money that can pay for the life of a child,” said Débora Maria da Silva, founder of the Mothers of May Movement, the main organisation bringing together relatives of the victims. Da Silva learned of the death of her eldest son, Edson, 29, when a radio presenter read out a list of those killed in what were described as “confrontations with police”. She spent the following years trying to discover what had happened to him, tracking down a witness and eventually managing to have his body exhumed and reburied in 2012. In the course of her investigation she discovered that, her son, a street cleaner, had been approached by eight police officers at a petrol station. “When he said he was a worker and had done nothing wrong, they beat him,” said Débora. Shortly afterwards, he was shot five times and killed. After years of legal battles, the state was ordered to pay her £72,000 ($97,000) in compensation and a pension equivalent to one-third of the monthly minimum wage (£80). The judge ruled that police had responded to the PCC attacks in a manner that was “violent, unreasonable and indiscriminate and therefore illegal”. But none of the police officers involved was ever identified. “The crimes of May 2006 were one of the gravest chapters in Brazil’s history,” said the lawyer Gabriel Sampaio, a director at the NGO Conectas, which assists some of the victims’ families. Even the killings of public officials saw little resolution. A recent report by the newspaper Folha de S Paulo identified only 15 convictions, such as that of the PCC leader Marcos Willians Herbas Camacho, known as Marcola, who was sentenced to 50 years in prison for ordering the execution of a firefighter. As far as is known, only one police officer was convicted: a corporal who was found guilty of murder for opening fire on three young men who were chatting on a street. “Civilians were killed in circumstances that, according to forensic reports, clearly indicate summary and extrajudicial executions and torture,” said Sampaio. Only 6% had criminal records – and Sampaio notes that, even if they had committed any crimes, there is no death penalty in Brazil. Most of the 505 civilians were young Black men from poor neighbourhoods and favelas. Individual accountability became extremely difficult because “the state failed in its investigative duties,” added Sampaio, noting that police failed to preserve crime scenes, often removing victims’ bodies to hospitals under the “false pretext” of “providing assistance”. In many cases, the victims were already dead. An analysis based on forensic reports from 124 bodies – all recorded as the result of alleged “shootouts” with police – found that most gunshots hit highly lethal areas, and were fired at close range and from above. The forensic expert concluded that these elements “point to a scenario more consistent with execution than with a gunfight”. São Paulo police did not respond to requests for comment, but in recent statements have maintained the same position held over the past 20 years: that all the killings were investigated “in a regular and rigorous manner”. Since then, the PCC has continued to grow, evolving from São Paulo’s largest criminal faction into one of the largest in Latin America and expanding cocaine exports to more than 20 countries, including in Europe and the US. “The state’s response to the PCC attacks was so misguided that it produced no restraint to the organisation,” said Sampaio. In 2018, a public prosecutor filed a lawsuit seeking compensation for the families of the victims and the 110 injured survivors, but the state court rejected it; the case is now awaiting resumption at Brazil’s superior court, with proceedings scheduled to resume on 10 June. “There needs to be an apology,” said Débora, from the Mothers of May, whose name references Argentina’s Mothers of Plaza de Mayo, formed in the 1970s by mothers searching for children disappeared under their brutal dictatorship. Débora said the Brazilian movement was seeking not only justice but also changes to Brazilian legislation. “The Brazilian state continues to produce ‘mothers of May’ and we cannot say there is democracy here while Black people and the poor continue to be persecuted and killed by the police,” she added.

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‘One day I thought, that’s enough’: the people fighting back against pothole-riddled roads

Sitting in St Albans crown court, waiting for his case to be called, Derek Bennett’s anger momentarily gave way to a sense of disbelief. “I mean, there’s rape and murder cases going on,” he says. “I couldn’t believe I was there, with this stupid subject.” Initially, neither could the judge, whom Bennett says remarked that such issues were surely a matter for the magistrates. But Bennett, a 68-year-old construction consultant who has spent decades navigating building rules and regulations, had read the law carefully. Section 56 of the UK’s Highways Act 1980 clearly states the “highway authority or other person” responsible for a road in Britain is liable to maintain it, and should it fall into “disrepair”, a member of the public may apply for a crown court order to fix it. The other crimes would just have to wait. Bennett was here about potholes. In case you haven’t driven, walked, cycled, skated, scooted or taken a bus lately, Britain’s roads are in a dire state. When the transport secretary, Heidi Alexander, hit a pothole in Oxfordshire so deep that her car had to be towed recently, it struck a national chord – one that sounded something like kerthunk. (Alexander, gamely, joked that Artemis II might have seen a similar-sized crater on the moon.) The RAC attended 225 pothole-related callouts a day in February, three times as many as the same period last year. Since 2021, it says, pothole-related claims have risen by 90%. According to YouGov, the parlous state of British roads was the number one issue for voters ahead of the May local elections, a fact pounced upon by every political party. Pothole politics is by no means unique to the UK – after being elected mayor of New York, Zohran Mamdani launched a city-wide blitz, filling 100,000 in his first 100 days – but here, the roads have come to represent a deeper malaise. Like many people, Bennett has spent recent years watching the roads around his house in Berkhamsted deteriorate. “It’s been getting worse and worse,” he says. He wrote to Hertfordshire county council, but was ignored. Most people would have left it there. Bennett is not most people. “I’ve got an overdeveloped sense of justice,” he says, drily. “I must take some tablets.” More than 53,000 people brought claims against local authorities in 2024 for damage caused by potholes: burst tyres, dinged alloys, wrecked suspensions. Such claims, which councils spend millions defending, are typically decided by Section 58 of the Highways Act, which sets out who is liable for damages and when. But Bennett was not seeking damages; he just wanted the potholes fixed. “I’ve been muttering about them like everybody does. Then one day I thought: that’s enough.” He’s not the only one. Reports of “pothole vigilantes” are spreading. A few, such as the documentary maker Oobah Butler and the musician Rod Stewart, have filled defects using asphalt bought from DIY stores (well intended, but legally dicey and unlikely to last, so not recommended). Graffiti is common: one Manchester artist, known for highlighting potholes with obscene drawings, earned the nickname Wanksy. Under Section 58, a local authority must be aware of a road defect to be liable for damages – and few things raise awareness as quickly as a spray-painted penis. Others take a more polite approach: Hannah Clark of Staffordshire highlights potholes with colourful animal illustrations; Dave Fargher of Nottinghamshire uses toys to create tiny pothole dioramas; Tim Webb, of Orpington, prefers to fill them with rubber ducks. New sports have emerged: teenager Ben Thornbury of Malmesbury has pioneered both pothole bowling and pothole “fishing”. Perhaps the best known pothole vigilante is Harry Smith-Haggett, whose TikTok account Pretty Potholes chronicles his travels around the country filling them with flowering plants. A landscaper and decorator, he started making the videos in 2024, when he filled a hole in his own road in Horsham, West Sussex. “If you use concrete or tarmac, that is putting a permanent structure in, which is obviously illegal,” he says. “I thought, well, I’ll put plants in and see what happens. And, coincidence, it got filled the next working day.” Smith-Haggett’s videos of himself beautifying potholes have now been viewed millions of times. “We’ve done six today,” he says. Travelling the country filling potholes while following his beloved Crawley Town FC, he has seen more of Britain’s dilapidated road network than most. Asked where is the worst, his answer is immediate: “Nothing compares to Birmingham.” The account has made him a minor celebrity: traffic regularly pulls up to thank him. Locals invite him in for tea. “I get thousands of people saying, ‘Can you come here?’” (He says he can no longer reply to every request, due to volume.) Last year he appeared in a video with Nigel Farage, but otherwise says he wants to keep out of politics. He is, however, forthright about his view of local councils, which he says have repeatedly tried to warn him off: “The way councils treat us is pathetic.” Arguably the original pothole vigilante is Mark Morrell, AKA Mr Pothole, who for 12 years campaigned for road repairs, founded National Pothole Day and even gave evidence to parliament, before retiring last year to care for his disabled wife. Morell still runs several Facebook groups, advising 300,000 members on how to file claims and get potholes repaired. “I suppose I’m the elder statesman now,” Morrell says. He has wielded Section 56 notices himself, so when he saw Derek Bennett’s case, he was delighted. “Good luck to him.” When his day in court arrived, Bennett chose to represent himself. “This isn’t rocket science,” he shrugs. He drove through several potholes on the way to the hearing. “I bet the judge did, too,” he chuckles. “I had a distinct impression he was a fellow motorist.” In the end, the council didn’t even put up a fight. The judge issued a court order for the potholes to be repaired within 20 working days. Hertfordshire county council said it was “disappointed” by the ruling, and “there are much quicker and simpler ways of letting us know about potholes”. Bennett points out that if his letters had been answered, the case would not have gone to court. But his victory was just the initial skirmish in a broader offensive. If a Section 56 claim could force the council to fix some roads, why not others? Couldn’t the legal precedent be applied all over the country? “Being semi-retired,” he says, “does give me room for a hobby.” * * * What, exactly, is a pothole? Nobody can quite agree. Highways engineers deploy a rich and lyrical vocabulary to describe the many ways a road surface can fail: rutting, ravelling, bleeding, shoving, plucking, crazing. But potholes are complicated. “We would tend to call it a defect,” Ian Lancaster, director of the Asphalt Industry Alliance, puts it, diplomatically. What experts can agree on is how they form. Modern roads are subjected to a constant onslaught: the weight of traffic, but also braking, shear forces, temperature shifts, sunlight, subsidence, even tree roots. Over time, the asphalt – stone aggregate bound with bitumen – weakens and starts to come apart. Worse, water gets in. “During the winter, water freezes, expands, opens up the cracks, and away we go,” Lancaster says. On a busy road, in winter, a small defect can grow into a dangerous one in a matter of hours. (It’s the regular freezing and thawing that causes British roads to age faster than in countries where they stay frozen all winter.) The recent spike in potholes is partly a result of the UK experiencing wetter and colder winters – extreme events made more common by climate change. “The roads can be underwater for days or weeks,” Lancaster says. “They are not designed to be underwater.” Britain’s road traffic is also shifting dramatically. There are twice as many cars as in 1990 and, thanks to booming sales of SUVs and EVs, the average weight of a new car has also doubled, to nearly two tonnes. Though critics like to blame EVs for potholes, most experts agree they are only one of several factors (other countries have more EVs but better roads). Another is commercial vehicles: delivery vans, farm equipment, HGVs. A six-axle lorry can weigh up to 44 tonnes. “A lot of local roads,” Lancaster says, “were never designed for the amount of traffic they’re taking right now.” Quietly, the way we build roads has changed, too. For decades British roads were built using hot rolled asphalt (HRA), in which stone chips are rolled into a thick layer of hot bitumen. In the 1990s, following the lead of France and Germany, highways authorities moved towards “thin-course” surfaces, particularly stone mastic asphalt (SMA), which are thinner, less noisy and reduce skidding and surface spray. But British SMA mixes proved less durable than the older HRA roads. “Those new systems that were more open, or invite water into texture or voids in the material, made it more susceptible to failure,” says Mike Hansford, of the Road Surface Treatments Association. This might have been manageable if roads were regularly “dressed”, or treated to protect the surface. But that did not happen. Instead, shortly after the financial crisis, many councils all but abandoned preventive treatments altogether. * * * Kye Cooper has lost count of how many potholes he’s filled. “I don’t want to know,” he says. Cooper’s father was in highway maintenance, as was his grandfather. Today he and his sister run the family business, East Herts Surfacing, which repairs roads all over London and East Anglia. When I contacted highways maintenance firms asking to see how a pothole is fixed, the Coopers invited me along at once. It’s important to them to defend the work they do. “It’s annoying when you see other tarmac work, when you’ve done this for so long, and you go, ‘That’s going to last five minutes.’ The problem is, they’re all cutting corners.” We are in Huntingdon, Cambridgeshire, where the crew are repairing potholes for the council. I know I’m in the right place: the roads look like the nearby army barracks has misfired heavy ordnance. “These are not too bad,” Cooper shrugs. “Nazeing, Epping, Hoddesdon way, that’s really bad for potholes. I’m talking craters.” A screech splits the air. Cooper’s crew are cutting out the defects and scouring the holes with a mechanical sweeper, then filling them with tack coat, an adhesive, followed by hot asphalt, rolled into place before sealing. “It’s not for the faint-hearted,” Cooper says, above the din, citing early starts, night shifts, hot asphalt that can hit 140C. “You learn not to touch things.” We walk along the street, Cooper explaining pothole maintenance. Many defects, he says, start from below: “If the sub-base is correct, the top layer will be, too.” Junctions and car parks are particularly vulnerable: “Every time you turn, it’s just pulling [stones] out.” Cooper’s crew is busy, but business hasn’t been easy. The wars in Ukraine and Iran have pushed bitumen prices “through the roof”, he says. Then there are rising staffing and diesel costs. “People think there’s millions to be earned in this game. But the councils ain’t got no money. That’s the truth of the matter.” Ninety-seven per cent of Britain’s roads are controlled and funded by local authorities. (The rest, the “strategic network” of motorways and major A roads, is managed by National Highways in England, the Welsh government and Transport Scotland.) Between 2010 and 2020, local government budgets in Britain fell sharply. According to the Institute for Government, the Conservatives slashed grants to local authorities by 40% in real terms. Facing bankruptcy, many councils chose to move funding from discretionary areas, such as highways, into urgent ones, such as social care. The amount Britain spent on maintaining local roads collapsed – more sharply than in almost any other country in the OECD. Although budgets have started to recover, the effect has been stark. According to the National Audit Office, by 2023 the proportion of local roads receiving preventive maintenance each year dropped to just 2.4%. “I have no doubt that has played a huge role in why our roads are in such a poor condition,” Hansford says. Most local authorities now outsource their highways maintenance to large infrastructure firms. Oxfordshire, for example, where Alexander hit her lunar crater, has agreed an £840m, eight-year contract with M Group, the infrastructure giant that maintains 30,000 miles of British roads and has annual revenues of £2.5bn. M Group, in turn, is owned by the private equity giant CVC Capital Partners, which in 2025 reported profits of €873m (£760m). While there’s nothing inherently wrong with such deals, they have rarely resulted in better roads. In 2019, Birmingham council ended a 25-year PFI contract with Amey early after accusing the contractor of ignoring road defects to maximise profits. Last year, the BBC reported that Cambridgeshire council was unhappy with M Group, which it pays £51m a year, because of the “ridiculous” quality of its repairs. (M Group says it inspected the potholes and “only one needed further work, which was done at no additional cost to our client”.) In some areas, botched repairs have become as notorious as potholes. Drivers complain about “patch and run”, subcontractors using bagged cold-mix asphalt as a temporary fix until they can schedule resurfacing at a later date. “That cold-lay stuff, that ain’t really worth the bag it’s in,” Cooper says. “They’re using completely the wrong tarmac in an emergency repair.” Once cured asphalt gets a crack in it, it’s nearly impossible to keep water out. That’s a problem, because utility companies dig up Britain’s roads constantly. The rollout of fibre-optic broadband, in particular, has contributed to a sharp spike in streetworks. “They’re cutting into it, trenches across it, putting pipes under it,” Cooper laments. “It’s weakening the integrity of the road.” Recently, he saw a utilities subcontractor repairing a road nearby: “Within a couple of weeks it was all sinking. It hadn’t been compacted properly.” The government has attempted to crack down on shoddy repairs by introducing a new inspection regime. The Pothole Partnership, a lobbying group that includes the AA and British Cycling, wants it to go further, by introducing mandatory five-year warranties on pothole repairs. “You see it all the time: a spot of tarmac here, a spot of tarmac there,” says Edmund King, president of the AA. “Within six months it’s cracking up again.” A common complaint is that crews will repair one pothole, while ignoring others around it. This is because austerity didn’t just slash road budgets; it changed the meaning of a pothole. In 2016 the UK Road Liaison Group, which advises on road standards, updated its codes of practice, citing an increased need for “affordability”. Where once it had advised authorities to adopt hard standards – say, fixing every pothole that reached 40mm deep – it now endorsed a “risk-based approach”. A pothole on a residential street, for example, might not need to be repaired as quickly as one on a major road. (Not only did this approach save costs, it also made it easier for councils to reject damage claims.) Which brings us to why nobody can agree what a pothole is: the definition is decided by the very local authorities whose job it is to fix them. “There are 78 different definitions,” King says. A pothole in Gloucestershire must be 4cm deep to need repairing; in Hounslow, as much as 7.5cm. In Dorset, a defect must be 150mm wide; in Norfolk, twice that. “A pothole in Manchester might not be a pothole in Preston,” King says. “It’s crazy.” If it sounds ridiculous, the consequences can be life-changing. According to freedom of information requests filed by the Telegraph, 393 people were killed or injured in accidents involving road defects in 2024, 45% up on 2020. In the past few months, these include 87-year-old Beryl Barrett from Nottinghamshire, who died on Christmas Day after tripping on an unrepaired pothole, and Andrew Freakley, a 43-year-old father killed in Staffordshire when his motorcycle hit a pothole that had gone unrepaired for four months. For cyclists and motorcyclists, a pothole can mean a split-second choice between swerving into traffic or risk coming off. In 2021, cyclist Jennifer Dyer, from East Sussex, hit a defect and was thrown into the path of a van. A coroner found the cause of her death was a pothole 58mm deep – shallow enough for East Sussex to categorise it as “low risk”, so not worthy of urgent repair, by a single millimetre. * * * “Pothole here … ” Thud. “Pothole there … ” Clunk. “There’s a real tyre-ripper!” Derek Bennett is driving me around Berkhamsted in his Polestar – “My seismograph,” he jokes, as the suspension shudders. Red-cheeked, in a flowery shirt and jeans, Bennett is enjoying himself. Since the crown court verdict, he has filed more than two dozen new Section 56 claims, not just in Hertfordshire, but against Cambridgeshire, Buckinghamshire and Central Bedfordshire councils, too. This time he’s also fighting over deformities and missing road markings, in “test cases” for the legal meaning of disrepair. “If we can get these roads repaired, I have a benchmark.” At home, in his meticulously kept office, he shows me neat folders of photographic evidence, his calendar tracking court deadlines, and legal precedent going back to the 19th century. His wife, Lizzie, shrugs. “He is a tenacious man.” Just reporting potholes can be a frustrating process. Many councils allow the public to do so using FixMyStreet, FillThatHole or an app called Stan, but Bennett says these are not enough. “Very laudable, but the council has no obligation whatsoever to do anything about it,” he says. To demonstrate, he pulls up FixMyStreet and shows me one pothole that was reported weeks ago. The council has responded saying the defect is scheduled for repair, but not given a deadline. Residents of Wrexham county, in Wales, claim their pothole reports often go ignored for months. The reporting issue reveals another remarkable fact: not only does the government not know what a pothole is, it also does not know exactly how many there are, or where. Although local authorities must report on road conditions for major roads, they do not have to do so for unclassified roads, which make up 62% of the network. It’s one reason the Department for Transport claims the condition of British roads has remained stable in recent years, contrary to the experience of everyone who has driven on them. In 2025, the National Audit Office found the DfT faced “significant gaps” in its knowledge of road conditions and, even more damningly, that although successive governments had introduced 12 different funds for pothole repairs, it had little idea of how that money was actually being spent. It would be very possible, using new technology, to map every pothole in Britain – and even catch defects before they form. In 2024, the Road Surface Treatments Association and “roadscape intelligence” company Gaist used purpose-built inspection vehicles on British roads and found twice as many are in poor condition as recorded in government figures. Gaist founder Steve Birdsall, a former army surveyor, developed the technology based on his work surveying railways after the Hatfield and Potters Bar disasters. Part of the problem, he says, is the way the government historically measured road conditions was designed for motorways, not local roads. “Essentially, for nearly 20 years we’ve been measuring the roads the wrong way.” * * * That is slowly changing. Gaist now works with several local councils, and recently conducted a scan of every road in Northern Ireland. “We have about two thousand times more imagery than Netflix,” he says. When highways engineers tell you potholes are a big problem, they mean it literally: there are 247,200 miles of road in Britain, enough to wrap around the globe nearly 10 times over. “If you take Lancashire, one of our clients, they have a network length just short of 8,000km,” Birdsall says. “End to end, that’s from here to Tibet.” Technology can help, but councils have been slow to adopt innovations, due to cost and to fears over legal claims. One way an authority can avoid paying damages is by showing they were unaware of a defect, despite regularly inspecting their roads – which would seem to incentivise not looking too closely. “The number of times I’ve been at councils, and they’ve said, ‘But if we’ve got a picture and know where they are, we’ve got to fix them – and that gives us an obligation we can’t deal with,’” Birdsall says. “There are definitely councils turning a blind eye to the condition of their network because they’re afraid of the consequences.” That isn’t to say there isn’t innovation going on. A number of councils have invested in specialised machinery such as the JCB Pothole Pro and the Dragon Patcher, a machine that sprays hot asphalt and can supposedly repair defects five times faster than traditional crews. In March, the Labour government announced a new five-year investment plan for British roads, which includes £7.3bn over four years for local road maintenance. If that sounds like a lot, the Asphalt Industry Alliance currently estimates that fixing the backlog of road repairs in Britain will cost £18.62bn. Campaigners have pushed for the government to adopt national definitions for potholes, or increased road taxes on heavier cars, such as SUVs and EVs, to raise revenue for road maintenance. (The Netherlands, France and Switzerland, which rank among the top European countries for road quality, all now factor vehicle weight into their road taxes, discouraging SUV sales.) “You could put another billion pounds in and frankly it won’t make a difference,” Edmund King says. “I think they’ve radically got to change the model.” Under the new funding rules, local authorities will have to report how their money is spent, including the number of potholes fixed every year. Many experts say that misses the point, like boasting about how regularly you’ve dressed an oozing wound. “Reporting the amount of potholes repaired is not a sign of success, it’s a sign of neglect,” Morrell says. Over his 12 years in campaigning, he has lost faith in politicians’ promises. He recalls a conversation with a Conservative minister. “He said, ‘It’s managed decline.’ I said, ‘A managed decline eventually becomes a complete failure.’” For Bennett, the political arguments are merely a distraction from his mission. Authorities already have a statutory duty to repair the roads. “This is a cold, clinical, legal issue,” he says. He has launched an Instagram account, @repairmyroad, dedicated to advising others on how to file Section 56 claims. “If 0.1% of the population do this, we would have German standard roads within six months.” Should more courts rule in his favour, the cost could be enormous. But he says that’s not his problem. He points to legal precedent, Wilkinson v City of York Council, which ruled “lack of funds” is not an acceptable reason for authorities to fail to maintain roads to a safe standard. We pay road taxes, he explains, and councils take the public to court for not paying parking fines all the time. Why shouldn’t we do the same in return? We pull over by a letter box and he jumps out to send another claim. “I can’t become the highways inspector,” he says. “But I can become a thorn in their side.” We turn up London Road, one of the subjects of his court victory. Hertfordshire council has put up signs notifying that resurfacing will soon begin. But any sense of triumph has given way to grim reality. Bennett cites an asphalt industry report which found the average British road is now typically resurfaced once in 97 years. “This is a once in a longlifetime opportunity,” he says, as the rutted and ravelling asphalt crunches beneath us. “My children, possibly my grandchildren, might never see this road resurfaced again.”