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Middle East crisis live: Iran threatens ‘painful’ response to Israeli strikes on southern Beirut

Trump also said he and Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu remain on the same page during his Meet the Press interview, despite some disagreements arising over Israel’s military offensive in Lebanon. “We get along very well,” Trump said. “We’ve been great comrades. We did a very, very big number on a certain country that was nothing but trouble for 47 years. I disagree with him on a couple of things.” Earlier in the week, it was reported that Trump had angrily confronted Netanyahu over Israel’s threats to resume airstrikes on Beirut’s southern suburbs.

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Calls to ban the Sikh kirpan are irrational | Letter

As a judge, I wrote a scenario for a recruitment exercise for a judicial appointments commission where candidates had to adjudicate between a Sikh boy who wanted to wear the kirpan and his Church of England faith school that wanted to exclude it (Sikhs wary of UK backlash as they condemn ‘moment of madness’, 2 June). It was based on my advice to a school that wanted to ban it. When I advised the school that it permitted cricket bats and balls and pointed dividers, all of which had been used as weapons, a compromise was reached enabling pupils to wear a swaddled kirpan under clothing. The Sikh community has condemned the illegal use of the kirpan. A Sikh would no more think of using it as a weapon than other faith group would think of using their religious symbols as weapons. The suggested review of the wearing of the kirpan would presumably have to include the wearing of the sgian-dubh , which I wear when kilted, the swords worn by serving and retired military personnel at service events, or the short sword I wore when dressed as a Roman soldier at a Christian festival. It is irrational to seek to ban the kirpan much in the same way as it would be irrational to ban the sale of kitchen knives, like the one that virtually severed my right thumb from my hand during a robbery. Hugh Howard (retired judge) Bourne End, Buckinghamshire • Have an opinion on anything you’ve read in the Guardian today? Please email us your letter and it will be considered for publication in our letters section.

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A priceless book of Yiddish songs from the Holocaust lay in a Sydney cupboard for decades – now it has been rescued

Even under conditions of extreme inhumanity, humanity has the capacity to find solace in creative expression. In the concentration camps and ghettoes of Europe under the Nazi regime, music became a sanctuary, a way to preserve Jewish identity, process trauma and maintain a historical record. A small chapter of this vast record, which resurfaced in Sydney, represents one of the earliest printed collections of Holocaust songs. Australia became home to one of the world’s largest populations of Holocaust survivors outside Israel after the second world war. The influx of refugees fundamentally shaped the postwar multicultural fabric of Sydney and Melbourne, importing deep, intergenerational trauma along with extraordinary stories of endurance and survival. It was into this postwar environment that one survivor quietly brought a small Yiddish songbook, that then lay concealed for almost six decades. Printed on fragile acid paper, the poignant lyrics and musical notes of Mima’amakim (Out of the Depths) – a collection of 20 songs written by ghetto inhabitants, camp prisoners, people in hiding and partisan fighters between 1939 and 1944 – lay pressed between the pages of an old music score locked away in a Sydney cupboard. One of only five known surviving copies in the world from an original print run of 500, it narrowly missed being thrown in the recycling bin after its owner, Olga R, died at the age of 98 in 2013 (her family requested that her full name be withheld). Sign up for a weekly email featuring our best reads But there was something about the cover of this manuscript that her family, who did not speak Yiddish, thought looked too unusual to ignore. It was the Russian constructivist look of it, the Soviet-style geometric shapes, diagonal lines, and stark black-and-red palette, that prompted Olga’s daughter to send a photograph to a Jewish music academic at the University of Sydney, Dr Joseph Toltz. He forwarded the image to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington DC, where its cultural value and rarity was immediately recognised. Thirteen years on, Toltz and Associate Prof Anna Boucher, a public policy expert and global migration scholar at the University of Sydney, have completed the first English translation of Mima’amakim and tracked down descendants of its contributors scattered throughout the Jewish diaspora. Survival stories The origins of the songbook lay in postwar Bucharest, the Romanian capital that served as a key transit hub for Jewish refugees. Up to 100,000 refugees crossed through Hungary and Ukraine into Romania in the months following liberation, but because very few countries were willing to repatriate survivors or facilitate their safe passage, the city became a major processing site where organisations discreetly coordinated undocumented and illegal migration routes to Palestine. It was in this transient environment, at a refugee processing house on Calea Moșilor 128, that a survivor named Yehuda Eismann established an office to document Nazi war crimes. Working alongside three secretaries, Eismann transcribed close to 1,000 wartime survival stories, a collection known as the Bucharest Protocols. Olga R, who would arrive in Australia 11 years later, was one of those secretaries. She had survived the German occupation of Poland by completely discarding her Jewish identity, using false identity papers under a non-Jewish name to pass herself off as a Polish Roman Catholic woman. She memorised Christian customs and prayers, which later saved her life when she was detained by the Gestapo in Kraków and was forced to recite them during a two-week interrogation. As refugees moved through the processing office, Eismann discovered that many had carried the songs they had created and sung in the forced labour camps and ghettoes of Poland, Lithuania, Latvia and Ukraine. Believing these songs captured a raw psychological dimension of the Holocaust that formal legal testimonies could not, he gathered 20 of the works and categorised them into three distinct emotional arcs: Yiesh (Despair), Bitokhn (Hope/Safety), and Kamf un Nitsokhn (Battle and Victory). When Eismann left Europe for Palestine in October 1945, he gave a copy of the manuscript to Olga. Eismann’s handwritten dedication, penned in Polish on the book’s title page, reads: “To a beloved and friendly co-worker, a token of memory and sympathy from the publishing house and author on the occasion of his departure to Palestine. Bucharest, 20 October 1945. Engineer J. Eismann.” To unlock the personal history behind each song, Boucher and Toltz combed through the records of the International Tracing Service, verified names on gravestones and navigated postwar displaced persons registries. To identify living relatives, they cross-referenced historical data with entries in Yad Vashem’s Hall of Names, tracing descendants through the testimonies written by survivors of exterminated families. One of those survivors was Ayzik Flaysher, who was just 13 when he composed the song Der Driter Pogrom (The Third Pogrom). After witnessing the murder of his parents and all 10 of his siblings in Ukraine, the teenage orphan survived by hiding in a self-dug dirt pit in a forest for two years. He stayed completely concealed during the daytime to avoid Nazi patrols and emerged only under the cover of night, surviving by eating cooked potato leftovers meant for farmers’ pigs. The prolonged confinement in total darkness severely deformed his bones, leaving his physical growth permanently stunted. He eventually walked to Bucharest, escaped to Palestine as a ship stowaway in 1945, and built a successful life as an Israeli factory manager despite his severe physical disabilities. “He would sing his song every single morning,” his son Fredi told Boucher. When asked why he sang all the time, he replied that he had only two choices: “Sing all the time, or cry and die. He preferred to sing.” The global tracking yielded a surprising level of cooperation from the families of the contributors, Boucher says. Many readily opened private archives and gave deeply emotional interviews. Eismann’s grandchildren possessed some knowledge of his postwar escape from a family batmitzvah scrapbook, but other families were entirely unaware of their ancestors’ creative legacies or underground resistance efforts. The researchers were also able to record a face-to-face interview in Jerusalem with the last living contributor, the internationally renowned concert pianist Alexander Tamir. As an 11-year-old boy named Aleksander Wolkowyski in the Vilna ghetto, Tamir had anonymously submitted his composition called Ponar into a ghetto music competition. Picked by a panel of celebrated adult musicians who were blind to his age, the childhood melody, later known as Shtiler, Shtiler (Quiet, Quiet), evolved into one of the most widely performed hymns of Holocaust remembrance in Israel. Gallows humour Many of the other songs in Mima’amakim have remained silent since 1945. Unlike later, more polished anthologies, the unedited raw trauma and at times dark gallows humour – the mocking of camp guards set to upbeat marches, the mourning of a beloved wife’s murder set to a popular interwar tango rhythm – make the Mima’amakim unique. By preserving the musical notations and the raw text, the translation reveals that music inside the camp structure was frequently used by prisoners to build emotional resilience. It is a historic collection that carries direct, practical relevance for contemporary immigrants and refugees dealing with displacement, Boucher says. The findings have been shared with the Refugee Advice and Casework Service, whose caseworkers tell her that clients fleeing current conflict zones continue to use music to process severe trauma. Navigating the painful aftermath of the Bondi Beach massacre, a population already carrying deep intergenerational trauma has been deeply shaken, she says. “I think the Jewish community in Sydney right now needs healing. Maybe we need a bit of the strength of these Holocaust survivors.” Later this year, the researchers will bring the rediscovered song back to the public stage at a dedicated live performance at the Bondi Pavilion, a location they hope can provide a unique space for reflection. “This book channels the incredible resilience of people who lost everything but still chose to save their songs. It says something about how humans have the capacity to juxtapose complete beauty against utter horror, and that’s something that we need right now.” So why did Olga keep the book a secret for so many decades? Boucher has several theories, including the possibility of a love affair with Eismann. “But with a lot of these things, people didn’t really understand the significance … they were in the process of surviving, creating, and they just made these things because they felt compelled to, out of a need to be creative in times of utter despair, and they didn’t reflect on how significant they were.” • Out of the Depths: The First Collection of Holocaust Songs, by Joseph Toltz and Anna Boucher, is available through Manchester University Press

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Israel escalates war against Hezbollah with airstrikes on Beirut suburbs

A senior Iranian official has promised a “painful and decisive response” to Israel’s airstrikes on the southern suburbs of Beirut, the most serious escalation in the war in Lebanon since a ceasefire was established in mid-April. Ebrahim Rezaei, spokesperson for parliament’s foreign policy and national security committee, wrote on X on Sunday: “We will give a decisive and painful response to the Zionist regime’s attack on the suburbs … Watch the sky of the occupied territories tonight.” Iran considers Israel to be occupied Palestine. Iran threatened last week that any Israeli attack on Beirut would be considered a violation of the US-Iran ceasefire and would be met with an attack on Israel. Israeli media said on Sunday that it anticipated a limited attack on Israel by Iran and Hezbollah in the wake of the strike. The attack hit two apartments in two separate buildings, Lebanon’s state news agency reported, killing two people and wounding 11, according to an initial death toll. The Israeli prime minister’s office said that the Israeli military had struck “terrorist headquarters” in the southern suburbs “in response to Hezbollah’s firing at Israeli territory”. Israel said that it had intercepted Hezbollah rocket fire at northern Israel on Sunday morning, though the armed group did not claim responsibility for the attacks. The attacks showered the streets in rubble and caused a wave of people to flee the southern suburbs in fear of further strikes. The strikes on Beirut came just days after a ceasefire proposal agreed by the Lebanese government and Israel was rejected by Hezbollah. Washington had previously asked Israel to not strike Beirut, though Israeli media reported that the US had been informed before Sunday’s strike. Fighting in Lebanon started on 2 March when Hezbollah launched rockets at Israel in retaliation for the killing of Iran’s late supreme leader Ali Khamenei, triggering an Israeli invasion. Israeli strikes have killed more than 3,613 people in Lebanon, while Hezbollah has killed at least 30 Israeli soldiers in Lebanon and 3 Israeli civilians. The skirmishes in Lebanon have been an obstacle for Iran-US negotiations, as Tehran insists that Lebanon be included in a broader ceasefire deal. On Sunday, Trump told NBC News he was not demanding that Lebanon be part of any peace deal with Iran, claiming again that such an agreement, which has so far proved elusive, was near. “I think they’d like to see it, but I’m not demanding,” Trump said in the interview recorded on Friday. He added: “We’re very close to a deal, or I’m going ‌to ⁠blow the hell out of them [Iran].” Before the strike on Sunday, Israel had issued a forced evacuation order for most of the city of Tyre, one of the largest cities in southern Lebanon which is hosting thousands of people displaced from villages in the surrounding area. Plumes of smoke were later seen rising from the city. Israel also carried out airstrikes across the south of Lebanon, while Hezbollah claimed responsibility for rocket and artillery barrages against Israeli troops in the Nabatieh area. Fighting has been concentrated around the city of Zawtar al-Sharqiya after Israel took the Beaufort Castle along the route to Nabatieh, a large city in south Lebanon that is has been encircling. On Saturday, the Israeli military killed two Lebanese army soldiers and an army captain in a strike on their vehicle. The Lebanese army is not party to the Hezbollah-Israel war. The government of Lebanon and Israel are negotiating directly in Washington in an attempt to reach a comprehensive ceasefire. Hezbollah, which is the party fighting with Israel, is not participating in talks and in recent days has said it will not agree to any ceasefire deal that does not include a withdrawal of Israeli troops from Lebanon and an end to Israeli strikes across the country, not just in Beirut. It is unclear how negotiations in Washington will be affected by Israel’s latest strikes on Beirut. Israelis are now bracing for a possible attack by Iran, reviving fears of a conflict that had appeared to have subsided after the temporary ceasefire reached in April. At the same time, Israeli forces continue to carry out strikes across Gaza, where the fragile truce brokered last October has done little to halt military operations in the besieged territory. On Sunday, Israeli strikes on a Hamas-run police station and a vehicle in the Gaza Strip killed at least nine people and wounded 20 others, health officials said, as mediators began new efforts to salvage the truce. One strike hit a police post adjacent to a large tent encampment of displaced families in Khan Younis in the south of the enclave, killing five people and wounding 16 others, medics said. Earlier in the morning, Israel was also confronted with violence at home after a gunman, an Arab Israeli, opened fire at a gas station near the town of Kokhav Yair, located on the Israeli side of the boundary with the occupied West Bank, killing one person and wounding five others before being shot dead by police, authorities said. The attack came amid heightened tensions across Israel and the occupied West Bank, days after a series of settler attacks on Palestinian communities and the fatal shooting of a Palestinian baby that further inflamed an already volatile situation. Police identified the gunman as a resident of the predominantly Palestinian city of Taybeh in central Israel, though his motives were not immediately clear. Authorities initially feared the shooting might be part of a coordinated attack. However, investigators later concluded that the incident involved the gunman and a single accomplice. The second suspect was arrested after allegedly attempting to stab police officers responding to the scene.

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Pete Hegseth’s D-day speech on immigration condemned as ‘grotesque stupidity’

The US defence secretary, Pete Hegseth, has been accused by historians and rights campaigners of “grotesque stupidity” and desecrating the memory of the soldiers who stormed the beaches of Normandy after he sought to link immigration to the D-day anniversary, saying Europe was facing a different “invasion” of its shores. Speaking in north-west France on Saturday to mark the 82nd anniversary of the D-day landings, Hegseth seized on the moment marking the wartime liberation of Europe to reiterate the US administration’s longstanding attack on European immigration policies. “Sadly, today, different European beaches are stormed by different, dangerous ideologies,” Hegseth told those gathered at the American military cemetery in Colleville-sur-Mer. “Beaches in Spain, Italy, Greece and Bulgaria, boats and men arrive. When will European capitals do something about that invasion, or is it too late? I pray not, and I believe not,” he said. “The men who fought and died here restored freedom to Europe,” added Hegseth, a former Fox News host. “That freedom must be maintained by this generation of leaders and war fighters, or what they fought for was merely temporary.” The remarks were swiftly condemned on social media. The English historian, author and television presenter Simon Schama described them as a “special kind of loathsomeness: a blend of historical deafness, grotesque stupidity and comically ludicrous self-importance”. Schama added: “As if the little people’s rage against immigration somehow is superior to the war against the 3rd Reich and entitles this comic book nobody to lecture the actual heroes.” From Jerusalem, the Israeli human rights lawyer Daniel Seidemann also weighed in. “This is an obscene desecration of the memories of those who stormed the beaches of Normandy, and especially of those who fell,” he wrote. Anders Åslund, a Swedish economist and former senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, contrasted the comments with Hegseth’s later remarks on the US standing alongside its allies. “So much nonsense,” he wrote on social media. “‘We stand by our allies!’ No you don’t. You just attacked them. Immigration policies are internal matters.” Åslund said Hegseth’s comments were particularly “clueless” given his recent decision to skip a key Nato meeting and Donald Trump’s vows to cut the number of troops in Europe. “Doesn’t Hegseth know that the most unreliable ‘ally’ by far is the US?” he said. Hegseth’s outsized focus on EU migration echoes comments made by other American officials, including Trump, who have consistently sought to criticise the impact of migration on the continent, despite the US having a higher proportion of foreign-born residents than the EU. Hours before Hegseth’s speech, the US vice-president, JD Vance, also waded into the matter with a social media post that blamed immigration for the killing of Henry Nowak, an 18-year-old British student stabbed in the UK. Nowak’s killer, a British-born Sikh, was convicted of murder and jailed for life with a minimum of 21 years. On Sunday, the UK justice secretary and deputy prime minister, David Lammy, said he had had an “agreeable” conversation in which he had sought to set the record straight with Vance. “This has got nothing to do with mass migration. This young man was a Brit,” Lammy told Sky News. “Let’s be clear about that. And I said: ‘Look, Mr Vice-president, you’re wrong about this.’” In the days before Hegseth’s visit to France, the plans had stirred up controversy, with one residents’ association calling for the trip to be cancelled. “This individual promotes values that go against democracy, human rights and peace,” the Langrune en Commun association, which advocates for environmentalism and solidarity among the village’s residents, said in a press release last week. Speaking to the broadcaster BFMTV, one member of the association cautioned against acting as though everything was normal. “What’s happening with the Trump administration isn’t business as usual. The fact that Pete Hegseth is challenging all the international organisations that emerged from the second world war isn’t business as usual,” said Chantal Richard. “The words must be spoken, he must be called out for who he is, for the values he represents: colonial, warmongering, racist, far-right values,” she added. “Silence seems to us to be the worst thing we can do on these issues.”

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Russian drone hits building storing spent nuclear fuel near Chornobyl

A Russian Shahed drone has substantially damaged a building used to store spent nuclear fuel close to the disused Chornobyl nuclear power plant, in what Ukraine’s president described as a deliberate and “extremely vile” attack. While the structure – the reception building of the spent fuel storage facility – was empty of containers at the time, the targeting of the sensitive site appeared to be direct messaging from Moscow amid an intensifying battle of long-range aerial strikes in which high-profile locations on both sides have been hit. “As of now, there is no heightening of radiation safety limits. But there is clearly a heightening of Russia’s already sky-high arrogance,” Volodymyr Zelenskyy said after the attack, which took place at about 2am. “It was [a] critical infrastructure facility. And an extremely vile Russian attack.” Zelenskyy was due to meet Keir Starmer, the Emmanuel Macron and Friedrich Merz on Sunday at a summit in London to discuss the continuing conflict. Andrii Sybiha, Ukraine’s foreign minister, posted on X: “This is not the first time Russian forces are putting Ukrainian nuclear facilities at risk. Russia’s nuclear blackmail and threats to nuclear safety are systemic, deliberate, and unacceptable.” The spent fuel storage facility is located about 9 miles from the Chornobyl plant that in 1986 was the scene of the world’s worst nuclear accident. A fire covering about 40 square metres broke out after Sunday’s strike and was extinguished. No personnel were injured. Energoatom, the state nuclear power operator, said radiation levels at the site remained within normal limits. The International Atomic Energy Agency said its experts were preparing to visit the site and that although the strike had caused significant damage, radiation levels at the site remained within established levels. The centralised spent nuclear fuel storage facility is designed to provide long-term storage for spent nuclear fuel from Ukraine’s nuclear power plants. On Saturday a long-range Ukrainian strike targeted the historic naval town of Kronstadt, near St Petersburg, as the city’s high-profile economic forum was winding up. Russia’s defence ministry said on Sunday its air defences had downed 500 Ukrainian drones in the past 24 hours, Interfax news agency reported. The Kremlin has threatened to escalate systematic attacks on key sites including decision-making centres in Ukraine. Russia has not publicly commented on the attack on the Chornobyl facility. In February 2025, a Russian attack drone damaged a containment arch over the Chornobyl reactor that was destroyed in the 1986 explosion and meltdown. Russia denied responsibility. Energoatom said: “The strike on a nuclear infrastructure facility has once again shown the world the true face of the Kremlin regime, which deliberately poses threats to nuclear and radiation safety.” Kyiv and Moscow have also traded accusations of attacking the Russian-occupied Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant in south-eastern Ukraine, Europe’s largest.

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‘Görli is our garden’: Berliners fight to stop mayor locking their park at night

The “hollow” in Görlitzer Park was heaving with revellers who had gathered in reaction to a court ruling against Berlin’s mayor who wanted to lock it up at night. “Görli is our garden,” said Monika, a retired psychiatric nurse who lives nearby and had joined the crowds on Monday night for a beer and a bop on the popular deep bowl-shaped meadow in the Kreuzberg district. “Görli is where we socialise and where my daughter grew up,” she said, using the affectionate nickname for the centrally located green space covering 14 hectares (35 acres). A decades-long on-off row about the park’s patrons and its role in Berlin’s daily life resurfaced earlier this year when the state government voted to seal it with a perimeter fence overnight in order to squeeze out the drug dealers and addicts who proliferate there. “We must, in the literal sense, take back control of Görlitzer Park,” the mayor, Kai Wegner, declared in 2023 after a “security summit”. After much deliberation, a metal fence with 16 gates, installed at a cost of about €2m (£1.7m), became operational on 1 March. After the ruling on Monday, the fence has stayed up but the gates have remained open 24/7. Few deny the problems attached to drug dealing – families report finding syringes and human faeces in playground sandpits and women say they have been abused. But “a fence doesn’t solve any problems, it just moves them elsewhere”, said Monika, a member of Görli Zaunfrei (Görli Fence-Free), one of several groups that campaigned against the fence and are calling for a more integrated, sustainable and better-funded plan to tackle the park’s challenges. Monday’s court ruling came as a blow to Wegner, of the conservative Christian Democrat party, who faces an election in September that he has billed as referendum on his promise to clamp down on crime in the German capital. In Kreuzberg, a culturally diverse and bohemian neighbourhood, parts of which have rapidly gentrified, he is disparagingly referred to as the “Zaunkönig” (fence king). “He himself has nothing to lose in Kreuzberg, where the CDU hardly stands a chance politically,” said Judith, a teacher and, like Monika, a member of Görli Zaunfrei. The park has long been at the centre of wider culture war debates in Germany, to the extent that most Berliners – and many beyond – have an opinion about it even if they have never set foot in it. As Judith put it: “A fence around Görli was never anything more than symbol politics – an election campaign gift for CDU voters in the suburbs.” As opponents of the fence predicted, illicit activity has been pushed into neighbouring areas, where there are reports of drug users being found sleeping in the stairwells and doorways of apartments and kindergartens. Many of the Berliners interviewed by the Guardian in the park this week – from people watching their grandchildren at a play day to a group singing campfire ballads – said they would rather the €2m, and estimated annual security costs of €800,000, were used to tackle addiction and related issues. Residents and local politicians complain that resources for drop-in drug centres, social workers and drug consumption rooms have been frozen or cut back. One of the legal headaches faced by Wegner is that by erecting the fence, he has ruled against the will of the district council responsible for the space. “It reminds us of Trump in California – going over the heads of those in power there, to assert his law and order,” said an elderly woman walking her chihuahua at dusk. She spoke of her frustration at being forced to curtail “walkies at dawn”. Long-term residents say the spirit of the community campaign is reminiscent of clashes between police and Kreuzbergers in the 70s and 80s, when squatters campaigned with considerable success to save the elegant period buildings that surround the park from being bulldozed. At the height of what has often been a high-spirited campaign to remove the fence, activists dressed as Easter bunnies handed out copies of the master keys to locks on the fencing, which actually worked, and offered tips on the whereabouts of gaps where they said “night-time hoppers” could enter the park. In response to supporters of the fence who have asked why the park needed to stay open late at night, an older, blind man said it intersected with several residential streets and that its closure forced pedestrians and cyclists to take significant detours along routes that were often poorly lit. He described Görli as his “vital shortcut” from the stop where the night bus dropped him off to his flat. Wegner has said the senate will appeal against the interim ruling, which could be reversed. Monika said: “We are making the most of the situation in the meantime.” She and Judith, who met through their campaigning and are now friends, said one good aspect of the fence was that it had brought the community closer together. They are now on a crusade to pull down the park’s boundaries altogether, Judith said, so that “people can go in and out whenever they like and no one needs to feel scared”.

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‘It’s time to move forward’: Armenians vote in election closely watched by Russia and EU

Armenians are going to the polls in an election that could cement the country’s shift towards Europe and away from its traditional alliance with Russia. Prime minister Nikol Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party enters the vote as the favourite, ahead of three opposition candidates who advocate for closer ties with Moscow. Pashinyan’s main challenger, Samvel Karapetyan, a Russian-Armenian billionaire who built much of his fortune in Russia, has been forced to campaign from house arrest at his mansion outside Yerevan. Much is at stake for the South Caucasus nation of 3 million people, with Moscow, Brussels and Washington all closely watching the vote. A Karapetyan victory could set Armenia on a trajectory similar to neighbouring Georgia, where a billionaire with Russian-made wealth has spent years dismantling pro-western reforms and pulling the country back towards Moscow. A strong majority for Pashinyan would give him a mandate to pursue his signature and politically sensitive goal: a peace agreement with Armenia’s longtime enemy Azerbaijan and the normalisation of relations with Turkey. A former journalist who swept to power during the 2018 Velvet Revolution, Pashinyan has campaigned on a platform of peace, arguing that ending Armenia’s decades-long confrontation with its neighbours would unlock economic opportunities, improve security and reduce its dependence on Russia. The prime minister, known for his populist and often emotional rhetoric, has sought closer ties with Europe, signalling that Armenia’s future lies in deeper integration with the west and expressing hope that the country could one day join the European Union. Pashinyan has received an endorsement from Donald Trump, who described him as “a great friend and leader”. The US has taken on an increasingly prominent role in efforts to broker a peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Sunday’s vote is the first national election since Armenia’s loss of Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan in 2023, a traumatic defeat that ended more than three decades of Armenian control over the disputed region. The opposition has sought to portray the loss as evidence of Pashinyan’s failures, accusing him of surrendering historical Armenian lands to its enemies. Yet Pashinyan has tried to turn the issue into a political asset. Arguing that Armenia’s pursuit of Karabakh helped trap the country in perpetual conflict and dependence on Russia, he has presented the painful chapter as the necessary starting point for a more secure and prosperous future. Anahit Sarkisyan, a lawyer from Yerevan, said after casting her vote on Sunday: “Pashinyan has a vision for the future, the rest are stuck in the past. We can’t be in endless wars with our neighbours. It’s time to move forward” Pashinyan’s course has put him in the crosshairs of Moscow, which has long projected influence over Armenian politics and the economy. Many Armenians became disillusioned with Russia after Moscow failed to come to their aid when Azerbaijan seized Nagorno-Karabakh despite the presence of Russian peacekeepers in the region. The fallout prompted Pashinyan to suspend Armenia’s participation in the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) of six post-Soviet states, including Russia, marking the most dramatic rupture in relations with Moscow since the country’s independence. In the run-up to the election, the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, said Armenia, which has not formally applied for EU membership, was heading down the same path as Ukraine. “And where did it start?” Putin said, referring to Armenia’s EU push. “With Ukraine seeking to join the European Union.” Armenian officials and analysts have accused Russia of attempting to influence the election through disinformation campaigns in favour of pro-Russian candidates, and efforts to fly Armenians living in Russia back home to vote against Pashinyan. In recent weeks, Moscow has adopted a more overt approach, imposing a series of trade restrictions affecting everything from flowers and fish to fruit and Armenian brandy. But these last-ditch measures have so far failed to put a dent in Armenia’s economy. Buoyed up by strong economic growth following the influx of Russian businesses and capital after the invasion of Ukraine, Pashinyan has invested heavily in Armenia’s regions, where his support remains strongest. Yet observers have also pointed to his increasingly personalised style of politics, and what critics describe as growing authoritarian tendencies in Armenia, a country that remains a rare democratic outlier in a region largely governed by strongmen. In the run-up to the elections, Armenian authorities arrested opposition figures, including members of Karapetyan’s party, on accusations ranging from vote-buying and financial crimes to calls to overthrow the government. Karapetyan himself was detained in June and charged with calling for the seizure of power, leading him to campaign from house arrest. Pashinyan has at times appeared erratic, engaging in ugly public disputes with refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh, whom he accused of having “run away” from the region rather than staying to fight. The EU, meanwhile, has largely brushed aside criticism of Pashinyan, making little secret of its support for Armenia’s shift away from Moscow. Brussels this week announced an initial €50m support package to help Armenia withstand Russian economic pressure. Karen Grigoryan, a doctor, who voted for Karapetyan on Sunday, said: “Pashinyan is not the man he was when he came to power.” Referring to the Ottoman-era mass killings of Armenians that Yerevan and many western countries recognise as genocide, he added: “We can’t just be friendly with Turkey and pretend the past is erased.” Observers say many voters continue to back Pashinyan largely because the opposition remains deeply discredited and closely linked to Russia. Tatul Hakobyan, a popular Armenian commentator, saidL “People are choosing the lesser of two evils. The alternatives to Pashinyan are much worse.”